Le Feyt Declaration  -  Peace in Iraq is an option

 

    Peace in Iraq is an option A paz no Iraque é uma opção | السلام في العراق ممكن | Vrede in Irak is een keuze |

La pace in Iraq è possibile  | La paz en Iraq es una opción | La paix en Irak : une option | Fred i Irak är en möjlighet |

 * International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq

 

* A declaration of the International Anti-Occupation Network (IAON)

 

 

 If you wish to express your solidarity with this campaign, please visit Tlaxcala's website for endorsement.

 TLAXCALA  -   The Translators’ Network for Linguistic Diversity

 

Press release: 'Le Feyt Declaration' on Iraq draws widespread support from world figures

 

The undersigned, friends of Iraq from France, Belgium, the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, Portugal, the United States of America, Egypt, Sweden and Iraq, organized in the International Anti-Occupation Network (IAON) and gathered in Le Feyt, France, from 25 to 27 August 2008, have adopted the following position and declaration reflecting our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq.

Le Feyt Declaration

 Peace in Iraq is an option

The US occupation of Iraq is illegal and cannot be made legal. All that has derived from the occupation is illegal and illegitimate and cannot gain legitimacy. These facts are incontrovertible. What are their consequences? 

Peace, stability and democracy in Iraq are impossible under occupation. Foreign occupation is opposed by nature to the interests of the occupied people, as proven by the six million Iraqis displaced both inside and outside Iraq, the planned assassination of Iraqi academics and professionals and the destruction of their culture, and the more than one million killed.  

Propaganda in the West tries to make palatable the absurdity that the invader and destroyer of Iraq can play the role of Iraq’s protector. The convenient fear of a “security vacuum” — used to perpetuate the occupation — ignores the fact that the Iraqi army never capitulated and forms the backbone of the Iraqi armed resistance. That backbone is concerned only with defending the Iraqi people and Iraq’s sovereignty. Similarly, projections of civil war ignore the reality that the Iraqi population overwhelmingly, by number and by interest, rejects the occupation and will continue to do so. 

In Iraq, the Iraqi people resist the occupation by all means, in accordance with international law.[1] Only the popular resistance can be recognized to express and defend the Iraqi people’s interests and will. Until now the United States is blind to this reality, hoping that a “diplomatic surge”, following the military surge of effective ethnic cleansing, will secure a government it imposes on Iraq. Regardless of who wins the upcoming US presidential election, the US can never achieve its imperial goals and the forces it imposes on Iraq are opposed to the interests of the Iraqi people. 

Some in the West continue to justify the negation of popular sovereignty under the rubric of the “war on terror”, criminalizing not only resistance[2], but also humanitarian assistance to a besieged people. Under international law the Iraqi resistance constitutes a national liberation movement. Recognition of the Iraqi resistance is consequently a right, not an option.[3] The international community has the right to withdraw recognition from the US-imposed government in Iraq and recognize the Iraqi resistance. 

It is evident that Iraq cannot recover lasting stability, unity and territorial integrity until its sovereignty is guaranteed. It is also evident that the US occupation cannot avoid accountability by trying to switch responsibility to Iraq’s neighbors. A pact of non-aggression, development and cooperation between a liberated Iraq and its immediate neighbors is the obvious means by which to achieve this stability.[4] In its median geopolitical position, and given its natural resources, a liberated, peaceful and democratic Iraq is central to the welfare and development of its neighbors. All of Iraq’s neighbors should recognize that stability in Iraq serves their own interests and commit to not interfering in its internal affairs. 

If the international community and the United States are interested in peace, stability and democracy in Iraq they should accept that only the Iraqi resistance armed, civil and political can achieve these by securing the interests of the Iraqi people. The first demand of the Iraqi resistance is the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces illegally occupying Iraq including private contractors and disbanding all armed forces established by the occupation. 

The Iraqi anti-occupation movement in all its expressions in defending the Iraqi people is the only force empowered to ensure democracy in Iraq. Across the spectrum of this movement it is agreed that upon US withdrawal a temporary administrative government would be charged with two tasks: preparing the ground for democratic elections and reconstituting the national army. Upon completion of these tasks the administrative government would disband, leaving decisions regarding reparations, development and reconstruction to a sovereign and freely elected Iraqi government in a state of all its citizens without religious, ethnic, confessional or gender discrimination. 

All laws, contracts, treaties and agreements signed under occupation are unequivocally null and void. According to international law and the will of the Iraqi people, total sovereignty of Iraqi oil and all natural, cultural and material resources rests in the hands of the Iraqi people, in all its generations, past, present and future. Across the spectrum of the Iraqi anti-occupation movement all agree that Iraq should sell its oil on the international market to all states not at war with Iraq, and in line with Iraq’s obligations as a member of OPEC. 

The 2003 US invasion was and remains illegal and the law of state responsibility demands that states refuse to recognize the consequences of illegal state acts.[5] State responsibility also includes a duty to restore. Compensation should be paid by all state and non-state actors that profited from the destruction and plundering of Iraq. 

The Iraqi people are longing for long-term peace. On the basis of the 2005 Istanbul conclusions of the World Tribunal on Iraq[6], and in recognition of the tremendous suffering of the aggressed Iraqi people, the signatories to this declaration endorse the abovementioned principles for peace, stability and democracy in Iraq. 

The sovereignty of Iraq rests in the hands of its people in resistance. Peace in Iraq is simple to attain: unconditional US withdrawal and recognition of the Iraqi resistance that by definition represents the will of the Iraqi people. 

We appeal to all peace loving people in the world to work to support the Iraqi people and its resistance. The future of peace, democracy and progress in Iraq, the region and the world depends on this. 

Members of the International Anti-Occupation Network [7]

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, member of the BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee, France – Iraq

Hana Al Bayaty, Coordinator of the Iraqi International Initiative on refugees, France – Egypt

Dirk Adriaensens, member of the BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee, coordinator SOS Iraq, Belgium

John Catalinotto, International Action Center, USA

Ian Douglas, Coordinator of the International Initiative to Prosecute US Genocide in Iraq, UK - Egypt

Max Fuller, Author of ‘For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality’ and 'Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq' - www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, UK

Paola Manduca, Scientist, New Weapons Committee, Italy

Sigyn Meder, member of the Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm, Sweden

Cristina Meneses, member of the Portuguese session of the World Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal

Mike Powers, member of the Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm, Sweden

Manuel Raposo, member of the Portuguese session of the World Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal

Manuel Talens, writer, member of Cubadebate, Rebelión and Tlaxcala, Spain

Paloma Valverde, member of the Spanish Campaign Against the Occupation and for the Sovereignty of Iraq (CEOSI), Spain

 

27 August 2008

Le Feyt, France

Please circulate this statement widely.

* International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq 

* For individual and organizational endorsements, contact: http://www.tlaxcala.es/detail_campagne.asp?lg=en&ref_campagne=5


[1] The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice. The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to counter this and achieve self-determination.

The Commission on Human Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19, 6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43, adopted 3 December 1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly Resolutions 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154). 

[2] Article 1(4) of the 1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed conflict situations. The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international terrorism.”

[3] National liberation movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of self-determination. In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle ... and to seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the Charter” and in conformity with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the Definition of Aggression (General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right to self-determination. 

[4] The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)) cites the principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual advantage.

[5] Article 41(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law (adopted in UN General Assembly Resolution 56/83 of 28 January 2002, “Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts”), prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach [of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law]”; Section III(e), UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”.

[6] Declaration of the Jury of Conscience, World Tribunal on Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 June 2005.

[7] The International Anti-occupation Network is a coalition of groups that stand in solidarity with the Iraqi people and for Iraqi sovereignty and against the US-led occupation of Iraq. It was established in April 2006 at the Madrid International Seminar on the Assassination of Iraqi Academics and Health Professionals, the final resolution of which can be read here.


 

'Le Feyt Declaration' on Iraq draws widespread support from world figures

A declaration published mid-September outlines a plan to relieve Iraq of foreign occupation and leave a stable, peaceful nation. It has drawn wide support and endorsement, including from Nobel Prize winners and nominees as well as other well-known figures working for peace from many parts of the world. 

The declaration points to the principles existent in international law by which the US-led war that has already cost over a million Iraqi lives and displaced up to six million more can end — indeed, the only way it could end. The declaration has been made available in 10 languages and has been published on hundreds of websites. Its authors seek mainstream dissemination. 

Among the 100 initial signatories are former United Nations assistant secretary generals Hans von Sponeck and Denis Halliday, both who resigned rather than administer sanctions they deemed deadly against the Iraqi people, former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark, Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Indian chief of naval staff, current US Green Party presidential candidate Cynthia McKinney, writer and historian Eduardo Galeano, Nobel laureate Harold Pinter, and chairperson of the World Peace Council Socorro Gomes. Prominent Iraqi signatories include Dr Saeed H Hasan, former Iraqi permanent representative to the United Nations, Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi oil minister, Dr Omar Al Kubaisy, senior Iraqi cardiologist, anti-occupation politician and activist on the Iraqi health and medical situation, and other key Iraqi civil society figures. 

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, one of the declaration's authors and host to the gathering from which the declaration issued, commented on the reasoning behind the declaration: 

"Since the first months following the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the Iraqi resistance has frustrated US plans to set up a stable puppet regime and create a base to expand US influence in the region. From that point of view, the occupation has failed despite its enormous firepower. The Iraqi resistance has accomplished this despite its lack of support from surrounding countries and lack of a stable, secure base outside Iraq. This is a major and heroic accomplishment of the Iraqi people. 

"By dividing a formerly united Iraq on sectarian grounds," Albayaty continued, "the US has inflicted much misery on the people of Iraq. In addition, the occupying force has itself created a situation where it then tries to justify the occupation by saying, 'Without us there will be chaos and civil war.' 

"The declaration combines the demands raised by the different resistance organizations that are the true representatives of the Iraqi people. It answers the argument of the occupiers. It shows the whole world a road to peace for Iraq." 

To read the declaration: www.anti-occupation.org

To endorse: www.tlaxcala.es/campagnes.asp

Contacts: info@brusselstribunal.org

 

 


 Os abaixo assinados, amigos do Iraque vindos da França, Bélgica, Reino Unido, Itália, Espanha, Portugal, Estados Unidos da América, Egipto, Suécia e Iraque, organizados na Rede Internacional Anti-Ocupação (International Anti-Ocupation Network, IAON) e reunidos em Le Feyt, França, de 25 a 27 de Agosto de 2008, adoptaram a seguinte posição e declaração que reflecte o empenho no verdadeiro fim da ocupação e numa duradoura e sustentável paz no Iraque.

 

                                                                                                                                Declaração de Le Feyt 

                                   A paz no Iraque é uma opção

  

 

A ocupação do Iraque pelos EUA é ilegal e não pode ser tornada legal. Tudo o que decorreu da ocupação é ilegal e ilegítimo e não pode adquirir legitimidade. Estes factos são incontroversos. Quais são as suas consequências? 

A paz, a estabilidade e a democracia no Iraque são impossíveis debaixo de ocupação. A ocupação estrangeira opõe-se por natureza aos interesses do povo ocupado, como se prova pelos seis milhões de iraquianos deslocados, tanto dentro como fora do Iraque, pelo assassinato planeado de académicos e outros profissionais e a destruição da sua cultura, e pelos mais de um milhão de mortos. 

A propaganda no Ocidente tenta tornar aceitável o absurdo de o invasor e o destruidor do Iraque poder desempenhar o papel de protector do Iraque. O interessado receio de um “vazio de segurança” – usado para perpetuar a ocupação – ignora o facto de o exército iraquiano nunca ter capitulado e formar a coluna vertebral da resistência armada iraquiana. Essa coluna vertebral está preocupada apenas com a defesa do povo iraquiano e da soberania iraquiana. Do mesmo modo, as previsões de guerra civil ignoram o facto de que a população iraquiana rejeita esmagadoramente, em número e em empenho, a ocupação e assim continuará a fazer. 

No Iraque, o povo iraquiano resiste à ocupação por todos os meios, de acordo com a lei internacional (1). Só a resistência popular pode ser reconhecida como expressão e como defesa da vontade e dos interesses do povo iraquiano. Até agora os EUA permanecem cegos a esta realidade, na esperança de que uma “ofensiva diplomática”, na sequência da ofensiva militar, estabilize o governo que impuseram ao Iraque. Independentemente de quem venha a ganhar a próxima eleição presidencial norte-americana, os EUA nunca conseguirão alcançar os seus objectivos imperiais, e medida em que as forças que impõem ao Iraque estão em oposição com os interesses do povo iraquiano. 

No Ocidente, há quem continue a justificar a negação da soberania popular com a chancela da “guerra ao terror”, criminalizando não apenas a resistência (2), mas também a assistência humanitária a um povo cercado. De acordo com o direito internacional a resistência iraquiana constitui um movimento de libertação nacional. O reconhecimento da resistência iraquiana é, portanto, um direito, não uma escolha (3). A comunidade internacional tem o direito de recusar o reconhecimento do governo imposto ao Iraque pelos EUA e de reconhecer a resistência iraquiana. 

É evidente que o Iraque não pode recuperar estabilidade duradoura, unidade e integridade territorial enquanto a sua soberania não estiver garantida. É igualmente evidente que a ocupação pelos EUA não pode ser inocentada tentando passar responsabilidades para os vizinhos do Iraque. Um pacto de não agressão, desenvolvimento e cooperação entre um Iraque libertado e os seus vizinhos imediatos é o meio óbvio de alcançar essa estabilidade (4). Na posição geopolítica de charneira que ocupa, e considerados os seus recursos naturais, um Iraque libertado, pacífico e democrático é fulcral para o bem-estar e o desenvolvimento dos seus vizinhos. Todos os vizinhos do Iraque deveriam reconhecer que a estabilidade do Iraque  serve os seus próprios interesses e comprometer-se em não interferir nos seus assuntos internos. 

Se a comunidade internacional e os EUA estão interessados na paz, na estabilidade e na democracia no Iraque deveriam reconhecer que só a resistência iraquiana – armada, civil e política – as pode alcançar ao assegurar os interesses do povo iraquiano. A primeira exigência da resistência iraquiana é a retirada incondicional de todas as forças estrangeiras que ocupam ilegalmente o Iraque – incluindo os agente privados – e a desmobilização de todas as forças armadas organizadas pelos ocupantes. 

O movimento iraquiano contra a ocupação – em todas as suas expressões –, na medida em que defende o povo iraquiano, é a única força com poder para garantir a democracia no Iraque. Todo o leque deste movimento concorda que, depois da retirada dos EUA, um governo administrativo temporário deverá ser encarregado de duas tarefas: preparar as condições para eleições democráticas e reconstituir o exército nacional. Uma vez cumpridas estas tarefas, o governo administrativo seria dissolvido, deixando as decisões acerca de indemnizações, desenvolvimento e reconstrução para um governo soberano e livremente eleito num Estado de todos os cidadãos, sem discriminações religiosas, étnicas, confessionais ou de género. 

Todas as leis, contratos, tratados e acordos firmados sob ocupação são inequivocamente nulos e vazios. De acordo com o direito internacional e com a vontade do povo iraquiano,  a total soberania sobre o petróleo iraquiano e sobre todos os recursos naturais, culturais e materiais permanece nas mãos do povo iraquiano, em todas as suas gerações, passadas, presentes e futuras. Todo o movimento iraquiano contra a ocupação concorda que o Iraque deverá vender o seu petróleo no mercado internacional a todos os Estados que não estejam em guerra com o Iraque e conforme as obrigações do Iraque como membro da OPEP. 

A invasão de 2003 pelos EUA foi e continua a ser ilegal e o direito sobre a responsabilidade do Estado exige que os Estados recusem reconhecer as consequências dos actos estatais ilegais (5). A responsabilidade dos Estados também inclui o dever de reparar. Devem ser pagas indemnizações por todos os Estados e actores não estatais que lucraram com a destruição e a pilhagem do Iraque. 

O povo iraquiano anseia por uma paz duradoura. Na base das conclusões do Tribunal Mundial sobre o Iraque realizado em Istambul em 2005 (6), e reconhecendo o tremendo sofrimento do povo iraquiano agredido, os signatários desta declaração apoiam os supracitados princípios para a paz, a estabilidade e a democracia no Iraque. 

A soberania do Iraque está nas mãos do seu povo resistente. A paz no Iraque é simples de atingir: incondicional retirada dos EUA e reconhecimento da resistência iraquiana que representa por definição a vontade do povo iraquiano. 

Apelamos a todos os povos do mundo amantes da paz para apoiarem o povo iraquiano e a sua resistência. O futuro da paz, democracia e progresso no Iraque, na região e no mundo dependem disso. 

Membros da Rede Internacional Anti-Ocupação (7): 

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, membro do Comité Executivo do BRussells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org , França – Iraque 

Hana Al Bayaty, coordenadora da Iniciativa Iraquiana Internacional para os Refugiados, www.3iii.org, França – Egipto 

Dirk Adriaensens, membro do Comité Executivo do BRussells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, Bélgica 

John Catalinotto, International Action Center, www.iacenter.org , EUA  

Ian Douglas, coordenador da Iniciativa Internacional para Processar o Genocídio dos EUA no Iraque, www.USgenocide.org, Reino Unido – Egipto 

Max Fuller, autor the ‘For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality’ and 'Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq' - www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk , Reino Unido 

Paola Manduca, cientista, Comité Novas Armas, www.newweapons.org , Itália 

Sigyn Meder, membro da Associação de Solidariedade com o Iraque em Estocolmo, www.iraksolidaritet.se , Suécia 

Cristina Meneses, membro do Tribunal-Iraque (Audiência Portuguesa do Tribunal Mundial sobre o Iraque), www.tribunaliraque.info, Portugal  

Mike Powers, membro da Associação de Solidariedade com o Iraque em Estocolmo, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Suécia 

Manuel Raposo, membro do Tribunal-Iraque (Audiência Portuguesa do Tribunal Mundial sobre o Iraque), www.tribunaliraque.info, Portugal  

Manuel Talens, escritor, membro de Cubadebate, Rebelión e Tlaxcala, www.tlaxcala.es, www.rebelion.org, www.cubadebate.cu, Espanha 

Paloma Valverde, membro da Campanha Espanhola contra a Ocupação e pela Soberania do Iraque (CEOSI), www.nodo50.org/iraq/, www.iraqsolidaridad.org, Espanha

 

27 de Agosto de 2008

Le Feyt, França  

Divulgue amplamente esta declaração, por favor.

* International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq 

* Para apoios individuais ou de organizações, contacte: http://www.tlaxcala.es/detail_campagne.asp?lg=en&ref_campagne=5

__________________________________________________________________ 

(1) O direito de autodeterminação, independência nacional, integridade territorial, unidade nacional e soberania sem interferência externa tem sido afirmado numerosas  vezes por diversos organismos da ONU, incluindo o Conselho de Segurança, a Assembleia Geral e a Comissão para os Direitos Humanos, pela Comissão do Direito Internacional e pelo Tribunal Internacional de Justiça. O princípio de autodeterminação estabelece que onde actos de violência tenham sido cometidos para suprimir este direito, a força pode ser usada para contrariar esses actos e alcançar a autodeterminação. A Comissão dos Direitos Humanos tem reafirmado repetidamente a legitimidade da luta contra a ocupação por todos os meios disponíveis, incluindo a luta armada (Resolução da CDH N.º 3 XXXV, de 21 de Fevereiro de 1979 e Resolução da CDH N.º 1989/19, de 6 de Março de 1989). Explicitamente, a Resolução 37/43 da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas, adoptada em 3 de Dezembro de 1982 “Reafirma a legitimidade da lutas dos povos pela independência, integridade territorial, unidade nacional e libertação de dominação colonial e estrangeira e ocupação estrangeira por todos os meios disponíveis, incluindo a luta armada.” (Ver também as Resoluções da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154). 

(2) O Artigo 1(4) do 1.º Protocolo Adicional das Convenções de Genebra, 1977, considera as lutas pela autodeterminação como situações de conflito armado internacional. A Declaração de Genebra sobre Terrorismo estabelece: “Como tem sido repetidamente reconhecido pela Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas, os povos que lutam contra a dominação colonial e a ocupação estrangeira e contra regimes racistas no exercício do seu direito de autodeterminação têm o direito de usar a força para alcançar os seus objectivos no quadro do direito humanitário internacional. Tal legítimo uso da força não pode ser confundido com actos de terrorismo internacional.”

(3) Os movimentos de libertação nacional são reconhecidos como consequência do direito de autodeterminação. No exercício do seu direito de autodeterminação, os povos sob dominação colonial e estrangeira têm o direito de “lutar... e procurar e receber apoio, de acordo com os princípios da Carta” e em conformidade com a  Declaração sobre Princípios da Lei Internacional respeitantes às Relações de Amizade e Cooperação entre Estados. É nestes termos que o Artigo 7 da Definição de Agressão (Resolução da Assembleia Geral 3314 (XXIX) de 14 de Dezembro de 1974) reconhece a legitimidade da luta dos povos sob dominação colonial e estrangeira. O reconhecimento pela ONU da legitimidade da luta dos povos sob dominação colonial e estrangeira ou ocupação está de acordo com a proibição geral do uso da força consagrada na Carta da ONU na medida em que um Estado que subjuga pela força um povo a dominação colonial ou estrangeira está a cometer um acto ilegal como define o direito internacional, e o povo subjugado, no exercício do seu inerente direito de legítima defesa, pode lutar para defender e alcançar o seu direito de autodeterminação.

(4) A  Declaração sobre Princípios da Lei Internacional respeitantes às Relações de Amizade e Cooperação entre Estados (Resolução da assembleia Geral 2625 (XXV)) cita o princípio de que “Os Estados abster-se-ão nas suas relações internacionais da ameaça de uso da força contra a integridade territorial ou a independência política de qualquer Estado, ou de qualquer outro procedimento contrário aos propósitos das Nações Unidas.” Individual e colectivamente, o Iraque e os seus vizinhos comprometer-se-iam a abster-se do uso da força ou da ameaça do uso da força, de facilitar o uso da força ou a ameaça do uso da força por outros actores, e abster-se-iam de qualquer forma de interferência nos assuntos de outros Estados. Individual e colectivamente, o Iraque e os seus vizinhos empenhar-se-iam igualmente na cooperação e desenvolvimento na base da negociação, arbitragem e vantagem recíproca.

(5) O Artigo 41(2) do  Projecto de  Artigos sobre a Responsabilidade do Estado da Comissão do Direito Internacional das Nações Unidas, que representa o Estado de direito internacional (adoptado pela Resolução da Assembleia Geral da ONU 56/83, de 28 de Janeiro de 2002, “Responsabilidade dos Estados por Actos Ilegais Internacionais”), impede os Estados de beneficiarem dos seus próprios actos ilegais: “Nenhum Estado reconhecerá como legal uma situação criada por uma séria quebra [de uma obrigação decorrente de uma norma peremptória do direito internacional geral]”; Secção III(e), Resolução da Assembleia Geral da ONU 36/103 de 14 de Dezembro de 1962, “Declaração sobre a Inadmissibilidade de Intervenção e Interferência nos Assuntos Internos dos Estados”.

(6) Declaração do Júri de Consciência, Tribunal Mundial sobre o Iraque, Istambul, 23-27 de Junho de 2005.

 (7)  A Rede Internacional Anti-Ocupação é uma coligação de grupos em solidariedade com o povo iraquiano e com a soberania iraquiana e contra a ocupação do Iraque conduzida pelos EUA. Foi estabelecida em Abril de 2006, em Madrid, no Seminário Internacional sobre o Assassinato de Académicos e Profissionais de Saúde Iraquianos, cuja resolução final pode ser lida  aqui.


Ondergetekenden, vrienden van Irak uit Frankrijk, België, het Verenigd Koninkrijk, Italië, Spanje, Portugal, de Verenigde Staten van Amerika, Egypte, Zweden en Irak, georganiseerd in het Internationaal Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (IAON) en verzameld in Le Feyt, Frankrijk van 25 tot 27 augustus 2008, hebben de volgende positie ingenomen en verklaring opgesteld over ons streven naar een daadwerkelijk einde van de bezetting en voor een blijvende, duurzame vrede in Irak.

                                Le Feyt verklaring

                        Vrede in Irak is een keuze

 

 

 

De Amerikaanse bezetting van Irak is illegaal en kan niet worden gelegaliseerd. Alles wat uit de bezetting is voortgekomen is illegaal en onwettig en kan geen legitimiteit verwerven. Dit zijn onweerlegbare feiten. Wat zijn daarvan de gevolgen?

Het is onmogelijk in een bezet Irak vrede, stabiliteit en democratie te vestigen. Een buitenlandse bezetting is van nature tegengesteld aan de belangen van de bezette bevolking. De feiten spreken voor zich. Zes miljoen Irakezen op de vlucht binnen en buiten Irak, Iraakse academici en professionals werden opzettelijk vermoord, hun cultuur werd vernietigd, en er vielen al meer dan een miljoen doden.

De propaganda in het Westen probeert de absurditeit aannemelijk te maken dat de invallers en vernietigers van Irak eveneens de rol van beschermer kunnen opnemen. De algemene vrees voor een "veiligheidsvacuüm" – als argument om de bezetting verder te zetten – negeert het  feit dat het Iraakse leger nooit capituleerde en de ruggengraat vormt van de Iraakse gewapende weerstand. Die ruggengraat is uitsluitend bezorgd om de verdediging van het Iraakse volk en de Iraakse soevereiniteit. Op dezelfde wijze negeren diegenen die een burgeroorlog voorspellen de realiteit, nl. dat het overgrote deel van de Iraakse bevolking, zowel in aantal als belang, de bezetting verwerpt en dit zal blijven doen.

Het Iraakse volk verzet zich met alle middelen tegen de bezetting, en dit overeenkomstig het internationaal recht (1). Enkel de volksweerstand kan worden erkend als uitdrukking en verdediging van de wil en de belangen van de Iraakse bevolking. Tot nu toe bleven de Verenigde Staten blind voor deze realiteit, in de hoop dat een "diplomatieke ingreep", na de militaire ingrepen van effectieve etnische zuiveringen, hen in staat zal stellen een regering op te leggen aan Irak. Wat ook de uitkomst van de Amerikaanse presidentverkiezingen wordt, de VS zullen hun imperiale doelstellingen nooit kunnen verwezenlijken en de druk die ze op Irak uitoefenen is tegengesteld aan de belangen van de Iraakse bevolking.

In het Westen blijven sommigen de ontzegging van volkssoevereiniteit rechtvaardigen onder het voorwendsel van de "oorlog tegen het terrorisme" (2). Hiermee criminaliseren ze niet alleen de weerstand, maar ook de humanitaire hulp aan een belegerd volk. Volgens het internationaal recht is het Iraakse verzet een nationale bevrijdingsbeweging. Erkenning van het Iraakse verzet is dus een recht, niet louter een keuze (3). De internationale gemeenschap heeft het recht om de erkenning van de door de VS opgelegde regering in Irak in te trekken en het Iraakse verzet te erkennen.


Het is duidelijk dat Irak geen duurzame stabiliteit, eenheid en territoriale integriteit kan verwerven vooraleer zijn soevereiniteit wordt gewaarborgd. Het is evenzeer duidelijk dat de Amerikaanse bezetting haar verantwoordingsplicht niet kan ontlopen door de verantwoordelijkheid af te schuiven op de buurlanden van Irak. Het ligt voor de hand dat stabiliteit alleen kan bereikt worden door
een niet-aanvalspact, en ontwikkelings- en samenwerkingsakkoorden tussen een bevrijd Irak en zijn naaste buren (4). Door zijn centrale geopolitieke positie en de aanwezigheid van natuurlijke hulpbronnen, is een bevrijd, vreedzaam en democratisch Irak van cruciaal belang voor het welzijn en de ontwikkeling van de aangrenzende landen. Alle buren van Irak moeten erkennen dat stabiliteit in Irak in hun eigen belang is en zich ertoe verbinden zich niet te mengen in Iraks binnenlandse aangelegenheden.

Als de internationale gemeenschap en de Verenigde Staten geïnteresseerd zijn in vrede, stabiliteit en democratie in Irak moeten ze accepteren dat alleen het Iraakse verzet - gewapend, burgerlijk en politiek – in staat is dit te bereiken omdat het de belangen van het Iraakse volk behartigt. De eerste vraag van het Iraakse verzet is de onvoorwaardelijke terugtrekking van alle buitenlandse troepen die Irak illegaal bezetten - inclusief de particuliere contractanten - en het ontmantelen van alle strijdkrachten die door de bezetting geïnstalleerd werden.

De Iraakse anti-bezettingsbeweging - in al zijn vormen – die het Iraakse volk verdedigt, is als enige in staat te zorgen voor democratie in Irak. In alle geledingen van deze beweging is overeengekomen dat bij een Amerikaanse terugtrekking een tijdelijke administratieve overheid zou worden belast met twee taken: de voorbereiding van democratische verkiezingen en de heropbouw van het nationale leger. Na voltooiing van deze taken zal deze administratieve overheid zichzelf ontbinden. Ze zal beslissingen over herstelbetalingen, de ontwikkeling en de wederopbouw overlaten aan een soeverein en vrij gekozen Iraakse regering in een land dat toebehoort aan al zijn burgers zonder discriminatie op grond van religie, etniciteit, overtuiging of geslacht.

Alle wetten, contracten, verdragen en overeenkomsten getekend onder de bezetting  zijn ondubbelzinnig van nul en generlei waarde. Volgens het internationale recht en de wil van het Iraakse volk, berust de totale controle over de Iraakse olie en alle natuurlijke, culturele en materiële bronnen in handen van de Iraakse bevolking, aan alle generaties, in het verleden, het heden en de toekomst. In het gehele spectrum van de Iraakse anti-bezettingsbeweging zijn allen het erover eens dat Irak zijn olie op de internationale markt moet kunnen verhandelen met alle landen die niet in oorlog zijn met Irak, en in lijn met de verplichtingen als lid van de OPEC.

De Amerikaanse invasie in 2003 was en is nog steeds illegaal en de wet op de statelijke
aansprakelijkheid eist dat staten weigeren de gevolgen van illegale staatsacties te erkennen (5). De verantwoordelijkheid van een staat omvat ook herstelplicht. Alle statelijke en niet-statelijke actoren die profiteerden van de vernietiging en plundering van Irak moeten een vergoeding betalen.

Het Iraakse volk verlangt reeds lang naar vrede. Op basis van de conclusies van het Wereld Tribunaal over Irak te Istanbul in 2005 (6), en met erkenning van het enorme lijden van het aangevallen Iraakse volk, stemmen de ondertekenaars van deze verklaring in met de bovengenoemde beginselen voor vrede, stabiliteit en democratie in Irak.

De soevereiniteit van Irak ligt in handen van de burgers in verzet. Vrede in Irak is eenvoudig te bereiken: onvoorwaardelijke terugtrekking van de VS en de erkenning van het Iraakse verzet, dat per definitie de wil van het Iraakse volk vertegenwoordigt.

We doen een beroep op alle vredelievende mensen in de wereld om het Iraakse volk en zijn verzet te steunen. De toekomst van vrede, democratie en vooruitgang in Irak, de regio en de wereld hangt ervan af.

De leden van het Internationale Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (7):

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, lid van het Uitvoerend Comite van het BRussells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, Frankrijk - Irak
Hana Al Bayaty, coördinator van het Iraakse Internationale Initiatief voor de vluchtelingen, www.3iii.org, Frankrijk - Egypte
Dirk Adriaensens, lid van het Uitvoerend Comite  van het BRussells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, België
John Catalinotto, International Action Center, www.iacenter.org, Verenigde Staten
Ian Douglas, coördinator van het Internationaal Initiatief voor de Vervolging van de Amerikaanse Genocide in Irak, www.USgenocide.org, Verenigd Koninkrijk- Egypte
Max Fuller, auteur van '
For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality’ en 'Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq'  - www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, Verenigd Koninkrijk
Paola Manduca, Wetenschapper,Nieuwe Wapens Comité, www.newweapons.org, Italië
Sigyn Meder, lid van de Associatie voor Solidariteit met Irak in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Zweden
Cristina Meneses, lid van de Portugese zitting van het Wereld Tribunaal voor Irak,
www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Mike Powers, lid van de Associatie voor Solidariteit met Irak in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Zweden 
Manuel Raposo, lid van de Portugese zitting van Wereld Tribunaal voor Irak,
www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Manuel Talens, schrijver, lid van Cubadebate, Rebelión en Tlaxcala, www.tlaxcala.es, www.rebelion.org, www.cubadebate.cu, Spanje
Paloma Valverde, lid van de Spaanse Campagne Tegen de Bezetting en voor de Soevereiniteit van Irak (CEOSI),
www.nodo50.org/iraq/, www.iraqsolidaridad.org, Spanje

27 augustus 2008
Le Feyt, Frankrijk

Gelieve deze verklaring op grote schaal te verspreiden.

 

* International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq 
* Voor individuele onderschrijving of als organisatie, neem contact op met:
 
http://www.tlaxcala.es/detail_campagne.asp?lg=en&ref_campagne=5

 

[1] The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice. The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to counter this and achieve self-determination.

The Commission on Human Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19, 6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43, adopted 3 December 1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly Resolutions 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154). 

[2] Article 1(4) of the 1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed conflict situations. The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international terrorism.” 

[3] National liberation movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of self-determination. In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle ... and to seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the Charter” and in conformity with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the Definition of Aggression (General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right to self-determination.

[4] The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)) cites the principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual advantage. 

[5] Article 41(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law (adopted in UN General Assembly Resolution 56/83 of 28 January 2002, “Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts”), prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach [of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law]”; Section III(e), UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”. 

[6] Declaration of the Jury of Conscience, World Tribunal on Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 June 2005.

[7] The International Anti-occupation Network is a coalition of groups that stand in solidarity with the Iraqi people and for Iraqi sovereignty and against the US-led occupation of Iraq. It was established in April 2006 at the Madrid International Seminar on the Assassination of Iraqi Academics and Health Professionals, the final resolution of which can be read here.

 

 

 


الموقعون أدناه هم أصدقاء للعراق من فرنسا، بلجيكا، بريطانيا، إيطاليا، اسبانيا، البرتغال، الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، مصر، السويد و العراق. وينتمي هؤلاء الى الشبكة الدولية ضد الاحتلال (IAON)  وقد اجتمعوا في لو فيي، فرنسا من 25 حتى 27 أغسطس/ 2008 و أقروا الموقف و التصريح التالي و الذي يعكس التزامهم بالعمل من أجل إنهاء حقيقي للاحتلال و تحقيق السلام الدائم في العراق.

اعلان لو فيي      Le Feyt Declaration

السلام في العراق ممكن

الاحتلال الأمريكي للعراق غير شرعي و يستحيل جعله  شرعيا . وجميع النتائج المترتبة على الاحتلال هي غيرشرعية و غير قانونية و يستحيل جعلها شرعية. هذه الحقائق لا يمكن نفيها فماذا  نستخلص؟

ان السلام و الاستقرار و الديمقراطية هي امر مستحيل في العراق في ظل الاحتلال. فالاحتلال الأجنبي بطبيعته يناقض مصالح الشعوب المحتلة. و الدليل على ذلك هم الخمس ملايين لاجئ عراقي داخل و خارج العراق، و ما يزيد عن المليون قتيل. ان الشعب العراقي في العراق يقاوم الاحتلال بجميع الوسائل المعترف بها  في القانون الدولي. والمقاومة الشعبية هي وحدها التي تمثل و تدافع عن إرادة الشعب[1].

ان الدعاية الغربية تحاول تسويغ الامر المستحيل الذي يقول بأن غزاة و مدمري العراق يمكن أن يقوموا بدور المدافع عن العراق. واثارة الخوف من  الفراغ الأمني، الذي يستخدم لإدامة الاحتلال، يتجاهل أن الجيش العراقي لم يستسلم أبدا، كما انه يشكل العمود الفقري للمقاومة العراقية المسلحة. ولا يشغل هذا العمود الفقري للمقاومة سوى مهمة الدفاع عن الشعب العراقي والدفاع عن سيادة العراق. و بنفس الشكل فإن تكهنات الحرب الأهلية تتجاهل حقيقة ان الشعب العراقي يرفض بغالبيته ، عددا و مصلحة ، الاحتلال و سيستمر في الرفض.

يقاوم الشعب العراقي احتلال العراق بشتى الوسائل المعترف بشرعيتها  في القانون الدولي. والمقاومة الشعبية هي وحدها التي يمكن ان يعترف بها كمعبر ومدافع عن مصالح و إرادة الشعب العراقي. ولكن الولايات المتحدة حتى الآن تتجاهل هذه الحقائق املة أن تصعيدا دبلوماسيا سيتلو التصعيد العسكري، الذي هو في الواقع جريمة تطهيرعرقي، لتضمن سلامة الحكومة التي فرضتها على العراق.  و بغض النظر عن المنتصر في الانتخابات الأمريكية المقبلة، لن تستطيع الولايات المتحدة أن تنفذ أهدافها الامبيريالية في العراق ابدا والقوى التي فرضتها على العراق تناقض مصالح الشعب العراقي.

يستمر البعض في الغرب بتبرير نفي سيادة الشعوب باسم "الحرب على الإرهاب" و هم لا يجرمون المقاومة[2] فحسب بل المساعدات الإنسانية لشعب محاصر أيضا. ان المقاومة العراقية  بمقتضي القانون الدولي تشكل حركة تحرر وطني, ولذلك فان الاعتراف بالمقاومة هو ليس مجرد خيار من بين خيارات وانما حق يكفله القانون[3]. ويحق للمجتمع الدولي أن يسحب الاعتراف من الحكومة التي فرضتها الولايات المتحدة في العراق و أن يعترف بالمقاومة العراقية.

من الواضح أن العراق لا يستطيع أن يستعيد استقراره و وحدته و حرمة أراضيه الى ان تكون سيادته مضمونة. وكذلك فانه من الواضح أن الاحتلال الأمريكي لا يستطيع التهرب من الحساب عن طريق وضع المسؤولية على عاتق الدول المجاورة للعراق. ان اتفاقية عدم اعتداء و دعم التنمية و التعاون بين عراق محرر و الدول المجاورة له مباشرة هي الوسيلة الواضحة لتحقيق الاستقرار المنشود[4]. فبحكم موقع العراق الجغرافي المركزي و بحكم موارده الطبيعية ، فإن عراقا محررا و مسالما و ديمقراطيا هو أمر جوهري لرخاء و تطور الدول المجاورة. ينبغي على الدول المجاورة للعراق أن تعترف أن الاستقرار في العراق يخدم مصالحها هي ايضا وعليها أن لا تتدخل في شؤونه الداخلية.

إذا كان المجتمع الدولي و الولايات المتحدة مهتمين بالسلام و الاستقرار و الديمقراطية في العراق حقا فيتعين عليهم الاعتراف بأن المقاومة العراقية ، المسلحة و الشعبية و السياسية، هي التي يمكنها تحقيق هذه الأهداف  بحماية مصالح الشعب العراقي. ان المطلب الأول للمقاومة العراقية هو الانسحاب غير المشروط من قبل  جميع القوات الاجنبية التي تحتل العراق بشكل غير شرعي، بما في ذلك المتعاقدون الخصوصيون، و حل جميع القوات المسلحة التي أسسها الاحتلال.

الحركة العراقية المناهضة للاحتلال بكل تعبيراتها  اذ تدافع عن الشعب العراقي  هي الجهة الوحيدة التي تملك القدرة على ضمان تحقيق الديمقراطية في العراق.  وعبر طيف هذه الحركة انه لامر متفق عليه انه عند انسحاب الولايات المتحدة فان حكومة ادارة اعمال مؤقتة ستكلف بمهمتين :التحضير لانتخابات ديمقراطية واعادة الجيش الوطني. وبعد انجاز هاتين المهمتين سيتم حل هذه الحكومة تاركة القرارات المتعلقة بالمطالبة بالتعويضات و التنمية و إعادة البناء في أيدي حكومة عراقية ذات سيادة منتخبة  بحرية في دولة لكل مواطنيها بدون تمييز على أساس الديانة أو العرق أو المذهب أو الجنس.

ان جميع القوانين و العقود و الاتفاقيات التي وقعت في ظل الاحتلال باطلة ولاغية قطعيا .واستنادا الى القانون الدولي وارادة الشعب العراقي ان السيادة التامة على النفط العراقي و جميع الموارد الطبيعية و الثقافية و المادية تظل في يد الشعب العراقي باجياله الماضية و الحاضرة و القادمة.وعبر طيف الحركة المناهضة للاحتلال الكل متفق على ان العراق سيبيع نفطه في السوق الدولية للدول التي ليست في حالة حرب مع العراق، وبما ينسجم مع واجبات العراق كعضو في OPEC.

كان وسيظل الغزو الأمريكي في 2005 امرا غير شرعي، و قانون المسؤولية الدولية يطلب من الدول أن ترفض الاعتراف بالنتائج المترتبة على الأفعال غير الشرعية التي تقوم بها الدول[5]. وتتضمن مسؤولية الدول كذلك واجب ارجاع الحق الى نصابه. ولذلك فان جميع الجهات الحكومية و غير الحكومية التي استفادت من تدمير و نهب العراق ينبغي ان تدفع التعويضات للعراق.

يتوق الشعب العراقي لسلام طويل المدى. واستنادا الى استنتاجات المحكمة الدولية حول العراق في اسطنبول 2005[6] واعترافا بالمعاناة الجسيمة التي مر بها الشعب العراقي المعتدى عليه فان الموقعون على هذا التصريح يقرون المبادئ المذكورة اعلاه وذلك من اجل تحقيق السلام والاستقرار والديموقراطية في العراق

 

ان سيادة العراق هي في أيدي شعبه المقاوم. وتحقيق السلام في العراق أمر سهل التوصل اليه: انسحاب امريكي غير مشروط واعتراف بالمقاومة العراقية التي هي، بحكم كونها مقاومة، تمثل إرادة الشعب العراقي .

نناشد جميع محبي السلام في العالم أن يقوموا بدعم الشعب العراقي و المقاومة العراقية. ان مستقبل السلام و الديمقراطية و التقدم في العراق و المنطقة و العالم يعتمد على ذلك.

أعضاء الشبكة الدولة ضد الاحتلال[7]  :

عبد الإله البياتي، عضو في Brussels Tribunal Executive Committee, www.brusselstribunal.org, ، فرنسا، العراق

هناء البياتي، منسقة في Iraqi International Initiative on Refugees, www.3iii.org, ، فرنسا، مصر

ديرك ادرياسنس، عضو في www.BRussellstribunal.org ، بلجيكا

جون كاتالينوتو، International Action Center, http://www.iacenter.org/, ، الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية

ايان دوغلاس، منسق في International Initiative to Prosecute US Genocide in Iraq, www.USgenocide.org, ، بريطانيا، مصر

ماكس فولر، مؤلف For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality,  و Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, ، بريطانيا

پاولا ماندوكا، عالمة، New Weapons Committee, www.newweapons.org,، إيطاليا

سايغن مدر، عضوة Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se، السويد

 كريستيان منسس، عضوة في Portugese Session of the World Tribunal on Iraq,، www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, ، البرتغال

مايك باورس، عضو Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se، السويد

مانويل رابوسو، عضو Portugese Session of the World Tribunal on Iraq,، www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, ، البرتغال

مانويل تالنس، كاتب، عضو في Cubadebate, Rebelion, Tlaxcala, www.tlaxcala.es, www.rebelion.org, www.cubadebate.cu, ، اسبانيا

پالوما فالفردي، عضوة Spanish Campaign Against the Occupation and for the Sovereignty of Iraq (CEOSI), www.nodo50.org/iraq, www.iraqsolidaridad.org, ، اسبانيا

 

27 أغسطس/آب 2008

لو فيي، فرنسا

 

الشخصيات التي دعمت هذا الاعلان

1 The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice. The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to counter this and achieve self-determination.
The Commission on Human Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (
CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19, 6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43, adopted 3 December 1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly Resolutions 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154).

2 Article 1(4) of the 1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed conflict situations. The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international terrorism.”

3 National liberation movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of self-determination. In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle … and to seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the Charter” and in conformity with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the Definition of Aggression (General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right to self-determination.

4 The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)) cites the principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual advantage.

5 Article 41(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law (adopted in UN General Assembly Resolution 56/83 of 28 January 2002, “Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts”), prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach [of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law]”; Section III, UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”.

6 Declaration of the Jury of Conscience, World Tribunal on Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 June 2005.

7 The International Anti-occupation Network is a coalition of groups that stand in solidarity with the Iraqi people and for Iraqi sovereignty and against the US-led occupation of Iraq. It was established in April 2006 at the Madrid International Seminar on the Assassination of Iraqi Academics and Health Professionals, the final resolution of which can be read here.

 


International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq
Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center - USA
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff - India
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential Candidate, www.runcynthiarun.org - USA
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 - Ireland 
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 - Germany
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal - Belgium
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC - World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz - Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration - Mexico
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People's Solidarity Coordinating Committee - India
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist - Uruguay
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 - UK
James Petras, Author - USA
Jan Myrdal, Author - Sweden
Michael Parenti, Author - USA
Peter Curman, Author - Sweden
Rosa Regàs, Author - Spain
Santiago Alba Rico, Authorr, philosopher, member of www.rebelion.org, Spain – Tunisia
William Blum, Author, USA
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations - Iraq
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC - Iraq
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq's ambassador to UN
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador
Wajdi A. Mardan. writer and Iraqi Diplomat
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist
Ridha Al Ridha, president of Iraqi Ja'fari Shia association (Al Ja'faria) - Iraq
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association - Iraq / UK
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion
Hana Ibrahim, Writer and Journalist, Chair of Women's Will Association - Iraq
Mohammed Aref, Science writer - Iraq / UK
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq - President of CCERF - Fallujah
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt
Dr. Fadhil .M. Albadrani, Professor in media, journalist. baghdad – Iraq
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. - University of Baghdad - Iraq
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London - Iraq / UK
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch - Journalist - Iraq
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia
Wafaa' Al-Natheema, independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of "Untamed Nostalgia - Wild Poems," http://zennobia.blogspot.com
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary - Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan
Yihia Abu Safi, searcher and activist, Palestinian, Committee RIGHT TO RETURN, member of Resistance Alliance-Cairo
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and business management - UK
Arab Lotfy, Resistance alliance, artist and activist for arab progressist causes
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden 
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer - USA
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal - USA
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association - Mumbai / India
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor - Canada
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor - Cuba
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog - Tunis 
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal  & Medical Aid For The Third World - Belgium
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic - Mexico
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University - Spain
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela
Chaman Lal, Professor, Chairperson Centre of Indian Languages Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi, Former President,JNUTA(2006-07) - India
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International - Malaysia
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History - Italy
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International - Tunesia / India
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq - USA
David Hungerford, antiwar activist - USA 
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch - UK
Dirk Tuypens, Actor - Belgium
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC - Belgium
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist - UK 
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan - Belgium
Frantz Mendes, President United Steel Workers Local 8751 - USA
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of “Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950” - http://mwcnews.net/Gideon-Polya , Australia
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent - Belgium
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist - Mexico
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University - Sweden
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe - Belgium
Isaac Rosa, Writer - Spain
Jacques Pauwels, historian - Canada
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations - USA
Jean Pestieau,  Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium
Dr. Jim Harding, Past Director and retired Professor, School of Human Justice, University of Regina, Canada
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement - Germany
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University - México
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO - Edition House - Belgium
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz -  Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix - Brazil
Kris Smet, Former Journalist - Belgium
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition - USA
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together - USA
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal - Belgium
Lolo Rico, screenwriter - Spain
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation - Belgium
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid - Spain
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto - Italy
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher - Belgium
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist - Spain
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala - USA/Italy
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium     http://www.turkmenfriendship.blogspot.com/
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) - Canada
Michel Collon, author, journalist - Belgium
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ, http://www.serapaz.org.mx/ - Mexico
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of www.rebelion.org - Spain
Paul Vanden Bavière, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers - Belgium
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity - Cuba
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher - Peace movement, Belgium
René Naba, journalist, writer - France
Robin Eastman-Abaya, physician and human rights activist - USA 
Prof. Rudi Laermans, sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven - Belgium
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International Action Center
Sarah Meyer , Independent researcher living in Sussex - UK
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA.
Sköld Peter Matthis,ophthalmologist - Sweden
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB - Belgium
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University) - President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland).
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University - USA
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 - USA
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 - USA
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) - USA
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist - Mexico
Endorsing Organisations
All India Anti-imperialist Forum - India
BRussells Tribunal - Belgium
CEOSI – Spain
Collateral Repair Project ( www.collateralrepairproject.org)
Conscience International - USA
El Taller International - Tunesia
INTAL - Belgium 
International Action Center - USA
International Anti-imperialist and People's Solidarity Coordinating Committee
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) - Sweden
Medical Aid For The Third World - Belgium
Muslim Peacemaker Teams - Iraq
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine)
Tlaxcala, The Translators' (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity
US Academics for Peace - USA
World Courts of Women
We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and politicians to follow their example