Le Feyt Declaration
- Peace in Iraq is an option
Press release:
'Le Feyt Declaration' on Iraq draws widespread support from
world figures
The undersigned, friends of Iraq from France, Belgium, the
United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, Portugal, the United States of America,
Egypt, Sweden and Iraq, organized in the
International Anti-Occupation Network (IAON)
and gathered in Le Feyt, France, from 25 to 27 August 2008, have adopted the
following position and declaration reflecting our commitment to a true end to
the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq.
Le Feyt Declaration
Peace in Iraq is an option
The US occupation of Iraq is illegal and
cannot be made legal. All that has derived from the occupation is illegal and
illegitimate and cannot gain legitimacy. These facts are incontrovertible. What
are their consequences?
Peace, stability and democracy in Iraq
are impossible under occupation. Foreign occupation is opposed by nature to the
interests of the occupied people, as proven by the six million Iraqis displaced
both inside and outside Iraq, the planned assassination of Iraqi academics and
professionals and the destruction of their culture, and the more than one
million killed.
Propaganda in the West tries to make
palatable the absurdity that the invader and destroyer of Iraq can play the role
of Iraq’s protector. The convenient fear of a “security vacuum” — used to
perpetuate the occupation — ignores the fact that the Iraqi army never
capitulated and forms the backbone of the Iraqi armed resistance. That backbone
is concerned only with defending the Iraqi people and Iraq’s sovereignty.
Similarly, projections of civil war ignore the reality that the Iraqi population
overwhelmingly, by number and by interest, rejects the occupation and will
continue to do so.
In Iraq, the Iraqi people resist the
occupation by all means, in accordance with international law.
Only the popular resistance can be recognized to express and defend the Iraqi
people’s interests and will. Until now the United States is blind to this
reality, hoping that a “diplomatic surge”, following the military surge of
effective ethnic cleansing, will secure a government it imposes on Iraq.
Regardless of who wins the upcoming US presidential election, the US can never
achieve its imperial goals and the forces it imposes on Iraq are opposed to the
interests of the Iraqi people.
Some in the West continue to justify the
negation of popular sovereignty under the rubric of the “war on terror”,
criminalizing not only resistance,
but also humanitarian assistance to a besieged people. Under international law
the Iraqi resistance constitutes a national liberation movement. Recognition of
the Iraqi resistance is consequently a right, not an option.
The international community has the right to withdraw recognition from the
US-imposed government in Iraq and recognize the Iraqi resistance.
It is evident that Iraq cannot recover
lasting stability, unity and territorial integrity until its sovereignty is
guaranteed. It is also evident that the US occupation cannot avoid
accountability by trying to switch responsibility to Iraq’s neighbors. A pact of
non-aggression, development and cooperation between a liberated Iraq and its
immediate neighbors is the obvious means by which to achieve this stability.
In its median geopolitical position, and given its natural resources, a
liberated, peaceful and democratic Iraq is central to the welfare and
development of its neighbors. All of Iraq’s neighbors should recognize that
stability in Iraq serves their own interests and commit to not interfering in
its internal affairs.
If the international community and the
United States are interested in peace, stability and democracy in Iraq they
should accept that only the Iraqi resistance
— armed,
civil and political —
can achieve these by securing the interests of the Iraqi people. The first
demand of the Iraqi resistance is the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign
forces illegally occupying Iraq
—
including private contractors
— and
disbanding all armed forces established by the occupation.
The Iraqi anti-occupation movement
—
in all its expressions —
in defending the Iraqi people is the only force empowered to ensure democracy in
Iraq. Across the spectrum of this movement it is agreed that upon US withdrawal
a temporary administrative government would be charged with two tasks: preparing
the ground for democratic elections and reconstituting the national army. Upon
completion of these tasks the administrative government would disband, leaving
decisions regarding reparations, development and reconstruction to a sovereign
and freely elected Iraqi government in a state of all its citizens without
religious, ethnic, confessional or gender discrimination.
All laws, contracts, treaties and
agreements signed under occupation are unequivocally null and void. According to
international law and the will of the Iraqi people, total sovereignty of Iraqi
oil and all natural, cultural and material resources rests in the hands of the
Iraqi people, in all its generations, past, present and future. Across the
spectrum of the Iraqi anti-occupation movement all agree that Iraq should sell
its oil on the international market to all states not at war with Iraq, and in
line with Iraq’s obligations as a member of OPEC.
The 2003 US invasion was and remains
illegal and the law of state responsibility demands that states refuse to
recognize the consequences of illegal state acts.
State responsibility also includes a duty to restore. Compensation should be
paid by all state and non-state actors that profited from the destruction and
plundering of Iraq.
The Iraqi people are longing for
long-term peace. On the basis of the 2005 Istanbul conclusions of the World
Tribunal on Iraq,
and in recognition of the tremendous suffering of the aggressed Iraqi people,
the signatories to this declaration endorse the abovementioned principles for
peace, stability and democracy in Iraq.
The sovereignty of Iraq rests in the
hands of its people in resistance. Peace in Iraq is simple to attain:
unconditional US withdrawal and recognition of the Iraqi resistance that by
definition represents the will of the Iraqi people.
We appeal to all peace loving people in
the world to work to support the Iraqi people and its resistance. The future of
peace, democracy and progress in Iraq, the region and the world depends on
this.
Members of the International
Anti-Occupation Network
:
Abdul Ilah
Albayaty, member of the
BRussells
Tribunal Executive
Committee, France – Iraq
Hana Al
Bayaty, Coordinator of the
Iraqi International Initiative on
refugees, France – Egypt
Dirk
Adriaensens, member of the
BRussells
Tribunal Executive
Committee, coordinator
SOS Iraq,
Belgium
John
Catalinotto,
International Action Center,
USA
Ian Douglas,
Coordinator of the
International Initiative to Prosecute
US Genocide in Iraq, UK -
Egypt
Max Fuller,
Author of ‘For
Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality’
and 'Crying
Wolf, death squads in Iraq'
-
www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk,
UK
Paola
Manduca, Scientist,
New Weapons Committee,
Italy
Sigyn Meder,
member of the
Iraq Solidarity Association in
Stockholm, Sweden
Cristina
Meneses, member of the
Portuguese session of the World
Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal
Mike Powers,
member of the
Iraq Solidarity Association in
Stockholm, Sweden
Manuel
Raposo, member of the
Portuguese session of the World
Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal
Manuel
Talens, writer, member of
Cubadebate,
Rebelión
and
Tlaxcala,
Spain
Paloma
Valverde, member of the
Spanish Campaign Against the Occupation and for the Sovereignty of Iraq (CEOSI),
Spain
27 August 2008
Le Feyt, France
Please circulate this statement
widely.
* International figures who join us in our commitment to a
true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq
* For individual and organizational
endorsements, contact:
http://www.tlaxcala.es/detail_campagne.asp?lg=en&ref_campagne=5
The right to
self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity,
national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been
affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN
Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights,
the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice.
The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action
has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to
counter this and achieve self-determination.
The Commission on Human
Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against
occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (CHR
Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19,
6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution
37/43, adopted 3 December
1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for
independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from
colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available
means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly
Resolutions
1514,
3070,
3103,
3246,
3328,
3382,
3421,
3481,
31/91,
32/42 and
32/154).
Article 1(4)
of the
1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva
Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as
international armed conflict situations.
The Geneva
Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by
the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against
colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in
the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use
force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of
international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be
confused with acts of international terrorism.”
National liberation
movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of
self-determination.
In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under
colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle ... and to
seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the
Charter” and in conformity with the
Declaration on Principles of
International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among
States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the
Definition of Aggression
(General Assembly Resolution
3314 (XXIX) of 14 December
1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under
colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of
the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or
occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force
enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people
to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined
by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its
inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right
to self-determination.
The
Declaration on Principles of
International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among
States (General Assembly Resolution
2625 (XXV)) cites the
principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or
political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively,
Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or
threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of
use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of
interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and
collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation
and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual
advantage.
'Le Feyt Declaration' on Iraq draws widespread support from
world figures
A declaration published mid-September outlines a plan to relieve Iraq of foreign
occupation and leave a stable, peaceful nation. It has drawn wide support and
endorsement, including from Nobel Prize winners and nominees as well as other
well-known figures working for peace from many parts of the world.
The declaration points to the principles existent in international law by which
the US-led war that has already cost over a million Iraqi lives and displaced up
to six million more can end — indeed, the only way it could end. The declaration
has been made available in 10 languages and has been published on hundreds of
websites. Its authors seek mainstream dissemination.
Among the 100 initial signatories are former United Nations assistant secretary
generals Hans von Sponeck and Denis Halliday, both who resigned rather than
administer sanctions they deemed deadly against the Iraqi people, former US
Attorney General Ramsey Clark, Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Indian chief of
naval staff, current US Green Party presidential candidate Cynthia McKinney,
writer and historian Eduardo Galeano, Nobel laureate Harold Pinter, and
chairperson of the World Peace Council Socorro Gomes. Prominent Iraqi
signatories include Dr Saeed H Hasan, former Iraqi permanent representative to
the United Nations, Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi oil minister, Dr Omar Al Kubaisy,
senior Iraqi cardiologist, anti-occupation politician and activist on the Iraqi
health and medical situation, and other key Iraqi civil society figures.
Abdul Ilah Albayaty, one of the declaration's authors and host to the gathering
from which the declaration issued, commented on the reasoning behind the
declaration:
"Since the first months following the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the Iraqi
resistance has frustrated US plans to set up a stable puppet regime and create a
base to expand US influence in the region. From that point of view, the
occupation has failed despite its enormous firepower. The Iraqi resistance has
accomplished this despite its lack of support from surrounding countries and
lack of a stable, secure base outside Iraq. This is a major and heroic
accomplishment of the Iraqi people.
"By dividing a formerly united Iraq on sectarian grounds," Albayaty continued,
"the US has inflicted much misery on the people of Iraq. In addition, the
occupying force has itself created a situation where it then tries to justify
the occupation by saying, 'Without us there will be chaos and civil war.'
"The declaration combines the demands raised by the different resistance
organizations that are the true representatives of the Iraqi people. It answers
the argument of the occupiers. It shows the whole world a road to peace for
Iraq."
To read the declaration: www.anti-occupation.org
To endorse: www.tlaxcala.es/campagnes.asp
Contacts:
[email protected]
Declaração de Le
Feyt
A paz no Iraque é uma opção
A ocupação do Iraque pelos EUA é
ilegal e não pode ser tornada legal. Tudo o que decorreu da ocupação é ilegal e
ilegítimo e não pode adquirir legitimidade. Estes factos são incontroversos.
Quais são as suas consequências?
A paz, a
estabilidade e a democracia no Iraque são impossíveis debaixo de ocupação. A
ocupação estrangeira opõe-se por natureza aos interesses do povo ocupado, como
se prova pelos seis milhões de iraquianos deslocados, tanto dentro como fora do
Iraque, pelo assassinato planeado de académicos e outros profissionais e a
destruição da sua cultura, e pelos mais de um milhão de mortos.
A propaganda no
Ocidente tenta tornar aceitável o absurdo de o invasor e o destruidor do Iraque
poder desempenhar o papel de protector do Iraque. O interessado receio de um
“vazio de segurança” – usado para perpetuar a ocupação – ignora o facto de o
exército iraquiano nunca ter capitulado e formar a coluna vertebral da
resistência armada iraquiana. Essa coluna vertebral está preocupada apenas com a
defesa do povo iraquiano e da soberania iraquiana. Do mesmo modo, as previsões
de guerra civil ignoram o facto de que a população iraquiana rejeita
esmagadoramente, em número e em empenho, a ocupação e assim continuará a fazer.
No Iraque, o
povo iraquiano resiste à ocupação por todos os meios, de acordo com a lei
internacional (1). Só a resistência popular pode ser reconhecida como expressão
e como defesa da vontade e dos interesses do povo iraquiano. Até agora os EUA
permanecem cegos a esta realidade, na esperança de que uma “ofensiva
diplomática”, na sequência da ofensiva militar, estabilize o governo que
impuseram ao Iraque. Independentemente de quem venha a ganhar a próxima eleição
presidencial norte-americana, os EUA nunca conseguirão alcançar os seus
objectivos imperiais, e medida em que as forças que impõem ao Iraque estão em
oposição com os interesses do povo iraquiano.
No Ocidente, há
quem continue a justificar a negação da soberania popular com a chancela da
“guerra ao terror”, criminalizando não apenas a resistência (2), mas também a
assistência humanitária a um povo cercado. De acordo com o direito internacional
a resistência iraquiana constitui um movimento de libertação nacional. O
reconhecimento da resistência iraquiana é, portanto, um direito, não uma escolha
(3). A comunidade internacional tem o direito de recusar o reconhecimento do
governo imposto ao Iraque pelos EUA e de reconhecer a resistência iraquiana.
É evidente que
o Iraque não pode recuperar estabilidade duradoura, unidade e integridade
territorial enquanto a sua soberania não estiver garantida. É igualmente
evidente que a ocupação pelos EUA não pode ser inocentada tentando passar
responsabilidades para os vizinhos do Iraque. Um pacto de não agressão,
desenvolvimento e cooperação entre um Iraque libertado e os seus vizinhos
imediatos é o meio óbvio de alcançar essa estabilidade (4). Na posição
geopolítica de charneira que ocupa, e considerados os seus recursos naturais, um
Iraque libertado, pacífico e democrático é fulcral para o bem-estar e o
desenvolvimento dos seus vizinhos. Todos os vizinhos do Iraque deveriam
reconhecer que a estabilidade do Iraque serve os seus próprios interesses e
comprometer-se em não interferir nos seus assuntos internos.
Se a comunidade
internacional e os EUA estão interessados na paz, na estabilidade e na
democracia no Iraque deveriam reconhecer que só a resistência iraquiana –
armada, civil e política – as pode alcançar ao assegurar os interesses do povo
iraquiano. A primeira exigência da resistência iraquiana é a retirada
incondicional de todas as forças estrangeiras que ocupam ilegalmente o Iraque –
incluindo os agente privados – e a desmobilização de todas as forças armadas
organizadas pelos ocupantes.
O movimento
iraquiano contra a ocupação – em todas as suas expressões –, na medida em que
defende o povo iraquiano, é a única força com poder para garantir a democracia
no Iraque. Todo o leque deste movimento concorda que, depois da retirada dos
EUA, um governo administrativo temporário deverá ser encarregado de duas
tarefas: preparar as condições para eleições democráticas e reconstituir o
exército nacional. Uma vez cumpridas estas tarefas, o governo administrativo
seria dissolvido, deixando as decisões acerca de indemnizações, desenvolvimento
e reconstrução para um governo soberano e livremente eleito num Estado de todos
os cidadãos, sem discriminações religiosas, étnicas, confessionais ou de
género.
Todas as leis,
contratos, tratados e acordos firmados sob ocupação são inequivocamente nulos e
vazios. De acordo com o direito internacional e com a vontade do povo
iraquiano, a total soberania sobre o petróleo iraquiano e sobre todos os
recursos naturais, culturais e materiais permanece nas mãos do povo iraquiano,
em todas as suas gerações, passadas, presentes e futuras. Todo o movimento
iraquiano contra a ocupação concorda que o Iraque deverá vender o seu petróleo
no mercado internacional a todos os Estados que não estejam em guerra com o
Iraque e conforme as obrigações do Iraque como membro da OPEP.
A invasão de
2003 pelos EUA foi e continua a ser ilegal e o direito sobre a responsabilidade
do Estado exige que os Estados recusem reconhecer as consequências dos actos
estatais ilegais (5). A responsabilidade dos Estados também inclui o dever de
reparar. Devem ser pagas indemnizações por todos os Estados e actores não
estatais que lucraram com a destruição e a pilhagem do Iraque.
O povo
iraquiano anseia por uma paz duradoura. Na base das conclusões do Tribunal
Mundial sobre o Iraque realizado em Istambul em 2005 (6), e reconhecendo o
tremendo sofrimento do povo iraquiano agredido, os signatários desta declaração
apoiam os supracitados princípios para a paz, a estabilidade e a democracia no
Iraque.
A soberania do
Iraque está nas mãos do seu povo resistente. A paz no Iraque é simples de
atingir: incondicional retirada dos EUA e reconhecimento da resistência
iraquiana que representa por definição a vontade do povo iraquiano.
Apelamos a
todos os povos do mundo amantes da paz para apoiarem o povo iraquiano e a sua
resistência. O futuro da paz, democracia e progresso no Iraque, na região e no
mundo dependem disso.
Membros da Rede
Internacional Anti-Ocupação (7):
Abdul Ilah Albayaty, membro
do Comité Executivo do BRussells Tribunal,
www.brusselstribunal.org , França – Iraque
Hana Al Bayaty, coordenadora
da Iniciativa Iraquiana Internacional para os Refugiados,
www.3iii.org, França – Egipto
Dirk Adriaensens, membro do
Comité Executivo do BRussells Tribunal,
www.brusselstribunal.org, Bélgica
John Catalinotto,
International Action Center,
www.iacenter.org , EUA
Ian Douglas, coordenador da
Iniciativa Internacional para Processar o Genocídio dos EUA no Iraque,
www.USgenocide.org, Reino Unido – Egipto
Max Fuller, autor the ‘For
Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality’
and 'Crying
Wolf, death squads in Iraq'
-
www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk ,
Reino Unido
Paola Manduca, cientista,
Comité Novas Armas,
www.newweapons.org , Itália
Sigyn Meder, membro da
Associação de Solidariedade com o Iraque em Estocolmo,
www.iraksolidaritet.se , Suécia
Cristina Meneses, membro do
Tribunal-Iraque (Audiência Portuguesa do Tribunal Mundial sobre o Iraque),
www.tribunaliraque.info, Portugal
Mike Powers, membro da
Associação de Solidariedade com o Iraque em Estocolmo,
www.iraksolidaritet.se, Suécia
Manuel Raposo, membro do
Tribunal-Iraque (Audiência Portuguesa do Tribunal Mundial sobre o Iraque),
www.tribunaliraque.info, Portugal
Manuel Talens, escritor,
membro de Cubadebate, Rebelión e Tlaxcala,
www.tlaxcala.es,
www.rebelion.org,
www.cubadebate.cu, Espanha
Paloma Valverde, membro da
Campanha Espanhola contra a Ocupação e pela Soberania do Iraque (CEOSI),
www.nodo50.org/iraq/,
www.iraqsolidaridad.org, Espanha
27 de Agosto de
2008
Le Feyt,
França
Divulgue
amplamente esta declaração, por favor.
* International figures who join us in our commitment to a
true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq
* Para apoios
individuais ou de organizações, contacte:
http://www.tlaxcala.es/detail_campagne.asp?lg=en&ref_campagne=5
__________________________________________________________________
(1) O direito de
autodeterminação, independência nacional, integridade territorial, unidade
nacional e soberania sem interferência externa tem sido afirmado numerosas
vezes por diversos organismos da ONU, incluindo o Conselho de Segurança, a
Assembleia Geral e a Comissão para os Direitos Humanos, pela Comissão do Direito
Internacional e pelo Tribunal Internacional de Justiça. O princípio de
autodeterminação estabelece que onde actos de violência tenham sido cometidos
para suprimir este direito, a força pode ser usada para contrariar esses actos e
alcançar a autodeterminação. A Comissão dos Direitos Humanos tem reafirmado
repetidamente a legitimidade da luta contra a ocupação por todos os meios
disponíveis, incluindo a luta armada (Resolução da CDH N.º 3 XXXV, de 21 de
Fevereiro de 1979 e Resolução da CDH N.º 1989/19, de 6 de Março de 1989).
Explicitamente, a Resolução 37/43 da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas,
adoptada em 3 de Dezembro de 1982 “Reafirma a legitimidade da lutas dos povos
pela independência, integridade territorial, unidade nacional e libertação de
dominação colonial e estrangeira e ocupação estrangeira por todos os meios
disponíveis, incluindo a luta armada.” (Ver também as Resoluções da Assembleia
Geral das Nações Unidas
1514,
3070,
3103,
3246,
3328,
3382,
3421,
3481,
31/91,
32/42 and
32/154).
(2) O Artigo 1(4) do
1.º Protocolo Adicional das Convenções de Genebra, 1977, considera as lutas pela
autodeterminação como situações de conflito armado internacional. A Declaração
de Genebra sobre Terrorismo estabelece: “Como tem sido repetidamente reconhecido
pela Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas, os povos que lutam contra a dominação
colonial e a ocupação estrangeira e contra regimes racistas no exercício do seu
direito de autodeterminação têm o direito de usar a força para alcançar os seus
objectivos no quadro do direito humanitário internacional. Tal legítimo uso da
força não pode ser confundido com actos de terrorismo internacional.”
(3) Os movimentos de
libertação nacional são reconhecidos como consequência do direito de
autodeterminação. No exercício do seu direito de autodeterminação, os povos sob
dominação colonial e estrangeira têm o direito de “lutar... e procurar e receber
apoio, de acordo com os princípios da Carta” e em conformidade com a
Declaração sobre Princípios da Lei Internacional
respeitantes às Relações de Amizade e Cooperação entre Estados. É
nestes termos que o Artigo 7 da
Definição de Agressão (Resolução da
Assembleia Geral 3314 (XXIX) de 14 de Dezembro de 1974) reconhece a legitimidade
da luta dos povos sob dominação colonial e estrangeira. O reconhecimento pela
ONU da legitimidade da luta dos povos sob dominação colonial e estrangeira ou
ocupação está de acordo com a proibição geral do uso da força consagrada na
Carta da ONU na medida em que um Estado que subjuga pela força um povo a
dominação colonial ou estrangeira está a cometer um acto ilegal como define o
direito internacional, e o povo subjugado, no exercício do seu inerente direito
de legítima defesa, pode lutar para defender e alcançar o seu direito de
autodeterminação.
(4) A
Declaração sobre Princípios da Lei Internacional
respeitantes às Relações de Amizade e Cooperação entre Estados
(Resolução da assembleia Geral
2625 (XXV)) cita o princípio de que
“Os Estados abster-se-ão nas suas relações internacionais da ameaça de uso da
força contra a integridade territorial ou a independência política de qualquer
Estado, ou de qualquer outro procedimento contrário aos propósitos das Nações
Unidas.” Individual e colectivamente, o Iraque e os seus vizinhos
comprometer-se-iam a abster-se do uso da força ou da ameaça do uso da força, de
facilitar o uso da força ou a ameaça do uso da força por outros actores, e
abster-se-iam de qualquer forma de interferência nos assuntos de outros Estados.
Individual e colectivamente, o Iraque e os seus vizinhos empenhar-se-iam
igualmente na cooperação e desenvolvimento na base da negociação, arbitragem e
vantagem recíproca.
Ondergetekenden, vrienden van Irak uit Frankrijk, België, het
Verenigd Koninkrijk, Italië, Spanje, Portugal, de Verenigde Staten van Amerika,
Egypte, Zweden en Irak, georganiseerd in het
Internationaal Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (IAON) en verzameld in Le Feyt,
Frankrijk van 25 tot 27 augustus 2008, hebben de volgende positie ingenomen en
verklaring opgesteld over ons streven naar een daadwerkelijk einde van de
bezetting en voor een blijvende, duurzame vrede in Irak.
Le Feyt verklaring
Vrede in Irak is een keuze
De Amerikaanse bezetting van
Irak is illegaal en kan niet worden gelegaliseerd. Alles wat uit de bezetting is
voortgekomen is illegaal en onwettig en kan geen legitimiteit verwerven. Dit
zijn onweerlegbare feiten. Wat zijn daarvan de gevolgen?
Het is onmogelijk in een bezet Irak vrede, stabiliteit en democratie te
vestigen. Een buitenlandse bezetting is van nature tegengesteld aan de belangen
van de bezette bevolking. De feiten spreken voor zich. Zes miljoen Irakezen op
de vlucht binnen en buiten Irak, Iraakse academici en professionals werden
opzettelijk vermoord, hun cultuur werd vernietigd, en er vielen al meer dan een
miljoen doden.
De propaganda in het Westen probeert de absurditeit aannemelijk te maken dat de
invallers en vernietigers van Irak eveneens de rol van beschermer kunnen
opnemen. De algemene vrees voor een "veiligheidsvacuüm" – als argument om de
bezetting verder te zetten – negeert het feit dat het Iraakse leger nooit
capituleerde en de ruggengraat vormt van de Iraakse gewapende weerstand. Die
ruggengraat is uitsluitend bezorgd om de verdediging van het Iraakse volk en de
Iraakse soevereiniteit. Op dezelfde wijze negeren diegenen die een burgeroorlog
voorspellen de realiteit, nl. dat het overgrote deel van de Iraakse bevolking,
zowel in aantal als belang, de bezetting verwerpt en dit zal blijven doen.
Het Iraakse volk verzet zich met alle middelen tegen de bezetting, en dit
overeenkomstig het internationaal recht
(1). Enkel de volksweerstand kan worden erkend
als uitdrukking en verdediging van de wil en de belangen van de Iraakse
bevolking. Tot nu toe bleven de Verenigde Staten blind voor deze realiteit, in
de hoop dat een "diplomatieke ingreep", na de militaire ingrepen van effectieve
etnische zuiveringen, hen in staat zal stellen een regering op te leggen aan
Irak. Wat ook de uitkomst van de Amerikaanse presidentverkiezingen wordt, de VS
zullen hun imperiale doelstellingen nooit kunnen verwezenlijken en de druk die
ze op Irak uitoefenen is tegengesteld aan de belangen van de Iraakse bevolking.
In het Westen blijven sommigen de ontzegging van volkssoevereiniteit
rechtvaardigen onder het voorwendsel van de "oorlog tegen het terrorisme"
(2). Hiermee criminaliseren
ze niet alleen de weerstand, maar ook de humanitaire hulp aan een belegerd volk.
Volgens het internationaal recht is het Iraakse verzet een nationale
bevrijdingsbeweging. Erkenning van het Iraakse verzet is dus een recht, niet
louter een keuze (3). De
internationale gemeenschap heeft het recht om de erkenning van de door de VS
opgelegde regering in Irak in te trekken en het Iraakse verzet te erkennen.
Het is duidelijk dat Irak geen duurzame stabiliteit, eenheid en territoriale
integriteit kan verwerven vooraleer zijn soevereiniteit wordt gewaarborgd. Het
is evenzeer duidelijk dat de Amerikaanse bezetting haar verantwoordingsplicht
niet kan ontlopen door de verantwoordelijkheid af te schuiven op de buurlanden
van Irak. Het ligt voor de hand dat stabiliteit alleen kan bereikt worden door
een
niet-aanvalspact, en ontwikkelings- en samenwerkingsakkoorden tussen een bevrijd
Irak en zijn naaste buren (4).
Door zijn centrale geopolitieke positie en de aanwezigheid van natuurlijke
hulpbronnen, is een bevrijd, vreedzaam en democratisch Irak van cruciaal belang
voor het welzijn en de ontwikkeling van de aangrenzende landen. Alle buren van
Irak moeten erkennen dat stabiliteit in Irak in hun eigen belang is en zich
ertoe verbinden zich niet te mengen in Iraks binnenlandse aangelegenheden.
Als de internationale gemeenschap en de Verenigde Staten geïnteresseerd zijn in
vrede, stabiliteit en democratie in Irak moeten ze accepteren dat alleen het
Iraakse verzet - gewapend, burgerlijk en politiek – in staat is dit te bereiken
omdat het de belangen van het Iraakse volk behartigt. De eerste vraag van het
Iraakse verzet is de onvoorwaardelijke terugtrekking van alle buitenlandse
troepen die Irak illegaal bezetten - inclusief de particuliere contractanten -
en het ontmantelen van alle strijdkrachten die door de bezetting geïnstalleerd
werden.
De Iraakse anti-bezettingsbeweging - in al zijn vormen – die het Iraakse volk
verdedigt, is als enige in staat te zorgen voor democratie in Irak. In alle
geledingen van deze beweging is overeengekomen dat bij een Amerikaanse
terugtrekking een tijdelijke administratieve overheid zou worden belast met twee
taken: de voorbereiding van democratische verkiezingen en de heropbouw van het
nationale leger. Na voltooiing van deze taken zal deze administratieve overheid
zichzelf ontbinden. Ze zal beslissingen over herstelbetalingen, de ontwikkeling
en de wederopbouw overlaten aan een soeverein en vrij gekozen Iraakse regering
in een land dat toebehoort aan al zijn burgers zonder discriminatie op grond van
religie, etniciteit, overtuiging of geslacht.
Alle wetten, contracten, verdragen en overeenkomsten getekend onder de bezetting
zijn ondubbelzinnig van nul en generlei waarde. Volgens het internationale
recht en de wil van het Iraakse volk, berust de totale controle over de Iraakse
olie en alle natuurlijke, culturele en materiële bronnen in handen van de
Iraakse bevolking, aan alle generaties, in het verleden, het heden en de
toekomst. In het gehele spectrum van de Iraakse anti-bezettingsbeweging zijn
allen het erover eens dat Irak zijn olie op de internationale markt moet kunnen
verhandelen met alle landen die niet in oorlog zijn met Irak, en in lijn met de
verplichtingen als lid van de OPEC.
De Amerikaanse invasie in 2003 was en is nog steeds illegaal en de wet op de
statelijke
aansprakelijkheid eist dat staten weigeren de gevolgen van illegale staatsacties
te erkennen (5). De
verantwoordelijkheid van een staat omvat ook herstelplicht. Alle statelijke en
niet-statelijke actoren die profiteerden van de vernietiging en plundering van
Irak moeten een vergoeding betalen.
Het Iraakse volk verlangt reeds lang naar vrede. Op basis van de conclusies van
het Wereld Tribunaal over Irak te Istanbul in 2005
(6), en met erkenning van het enorme lijden van
het aangevallen Iraakse volk, stemmen de ondertekenaars van deze verklaring in
met de bovengenoemde beginselen voor vrede, stabiliteit en democratie in Irak.
De soevereiniteit van Irak ligt in handen van de burgers in verzet. Vrede in
Irak is eenvoudig te bereiken: onvoorwaardelijke terugtrekking van de VS en de
erkenning van het Iraakse verzet, dat per definitie de wil van het Iraakse volk
vertegenwoordigt.
We doen een beroep op alle vredelievende mensen in de wereld om het Iraakse volk
en zijn verzet te steunen. De toekomst van vrede, democratie en vooruitgang in
Irak, de regio en de wereld hangt ervan af.
De leden van het Internationale
Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (7):
Abdul Ilah Albayaty, lid van het Uitvoerend Comite van het BRussells
Tribunal,
www.brusselstribunal.org, Frankrijk - Irak
Hana Al Bayaty, coördinator van het Iraakse Internationale Initiatief
voor de vluchtelingen,
www.3iii.org, Frankrijk - Egypte
Dirk Adriaensens, lid van het Uitvoerend Comite van het BRussells
Tribunal,
www.brusselstribunal.org, België
John Catalinotto, International Action Center,
www.iacenter.org, Verenigde Staten
Ian Douglas, coördinator van het Internationaal Initiatief voor de
Vervolging van de Amerikaanse Genocide in Irak,
www.USgenocide.org, Verenigd Koninkrijk- Egypte
Max Fuller, auteur van 'For
Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality’ en 'Crying
Wolf, death squads in Iraq'
-
www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, Verenigd Koninkrijk
Paola Manduca, Wetenschapper,Nieuwe Wapens Comité,
www.newweapons.org, Italië
Sigyn Meder, lid van de Associatie voor Solidariteit met Irak in
Stockholm,
www.iraksolidaritet.se, Zweden
Cristina Meneses, lid van de Portugese zitting van het Wereld Tribunaal
voor Irak,
www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html,
Portugal
Mike Powers, lid van de Associatie voor Solidariteit met Irak in
Stockholm,
www.iraksolidaritet.se, Zweden
Manuel Raposo, lid van de Portugese zitting van Wereld Tribunaal voor
Irak,
www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html,
Portugal
Manuel Talens, schrijver, lid van Cubadebate, Rebelión en Tlaxcala,
www.tlaxcala.es,
www.rebelion.org,
www.cubadebate.cu, Spanje
Paloma Valverde, lid van de Spaanse Campagne Tegen de Bezetting en voor
de Soevereiniteit van Irak (CEOSI),
www.nodo50.org/iraq/,
www.iraqsolidaridad.org,
Spanje
27 augustus 2008
Le Feyt, Frankrijk
Gelieve deze verklaring op grote schaal te verspreiden.
* International figures who join us in our commitment to a
true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq
*
Voor individuele onderschrijving of als organisatie, neem contact op met: http://www.tlaxcala.es/detail_campagne.asp?lg=en&ref_campagne=5
The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial
integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference
has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the
UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights,
the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice.
The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action
has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to
counter this and achieve self-determination.
Article 1(4) of the
1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions,
1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed
conflict situations.
The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism
states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General
Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien
occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of
self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their
objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such
lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international
terrorism.”
الموقعون أدناه هم أصدقاء للعراق من فرنسا، بلجيكا، بريطانيا، إيطاليا، اسبانيا،
البرتغال، الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، مصر، السويد و العراق. وينتمي هؤلاء الى
الشبكة الدولية ضد الاحتلال
(IAON)
وقد اجتمعوا في لو فيي، فرنسا من 25 حتى 27 أغسطس/ 2008 و أقروا الموقف و التصريح
التالي و الذي يعكس
التزامهم
بالعمل من أجل إنهاء حقيقي للاحتلال و تحقيق السلام الدائم في العراق.
اعلان
لو فيي
Le
Feyt Declaration
السلام في العراق ممكن
الاحتلال الأمريكي للعراق غير شرعي و يستحيل
جعله شرعيا
. وجميع النتائج المترتبة على الاحتلال هي غيرشرعية و غير قانونية و يستحيل جعلها
شرعية. هذه الحقائق لا يمكن نفيها فماذا نستخلص؟
ان السلام و الاستقرار و الديمقراطية هي امر مستحيل في العراق في ظل الاحتلال.
فالاحتلال الأجنبي بطبيعته يناقض مصالح الشعوب المحتلة. و الدليل على ذلك هم الخمس
ملايين لاجئ عراقي داخل و خارج العراق، و ما يزيد عن المليون قتيل. ان الشعب
العراقي في العراق يقاوم الاحتلال بجميع الوسائل المعترف بها في القانون الدولي.
والمقاومة الشعبية هي وحدها التي تمثل و تدافع عن إرادة الشعب.
ان الدعاية الغربية تحاول تسويغ الامر المستحيل الذي يقول بأن غزاة و مدمري العراق
يمكن أن يقوموا بدور المدافع عن العراق. واثارة الخوف
من “الفراغ
الأمني
“،
الذي يستخدم لإدامة الاحتلال، يتجاهل أن الجيش العراقي لم يستسلم أبدا، كما انه
يشكل العمود الفقري للمقاومة العراقية المسلحة. ولا يشغل هذا العمود الفقري
للمقاومة سوى مهمة الدفاع عن الشعب العراقي والدفاع عن سيادة العراق. و بنفس الشكل
فإن تكهنات الحرب الأهلية تتجاهل حقيقة ان الشعب العراقي يرفض بغالبيته ، عددا و
مصلحة ، الاحتلال و سيستمر في الرفض.
يقاوم الشعب العراقي احتلال العراق بشتى الوسائل المعترف بشرعيتها في القانون
الدولي. والمقاومة الشعبية هي وحدها التي يمكن ان يعترف بها كمعبر ومدافع عن مصالح
و إرادة الشعب العراقي. ولكن الولايات المتحدة حتى الآن تتجاهل هذه الحقائق املة أن
تصعيدا دبلوماسيا سيتلو التصعيد العسكري، الذي هو في الواقع جريمة تطهيرعرقي، لتضمن
سلامة الحكومة التي فرضتها
على العراق. و بغض النظر عن المنتصر في الانتخابات الأمريكية المقبلة،
لن تستطيع الولايات المتحدة أن تنفذ أهدافها الامبيريالية في العراق
ابدا والقوى
التي فرضتها على العراق تناقض مصالح الشعب العراقي.
يستمر البعض في الغرب بتبرير نفي سيادة الشعوب باسم "الحرب على الإرهاب" و هم لا
يجرمون المقاومة
فحسب بل المساعدات الإنسانية لشعب محاصر أيضا. ان المقاومة العراقية بمقتضي
القانون الدولي تشكل حركة تحرر وطني, ولذلك فان الاعتراف بالمقاومة هو ليس مجرد
خيار من بين خيارات وانما حق يكفله القانون.
ويحق للمجتمع الدولي أن يسحب الاعتراف من الحكومة التي فرضتها الولايات المتحدة في
العراق و أن يعترف بالمقاومة العراقية.
من الواضح أن العراق لا يستطيع أن يستعيد استقراره و وحدته و حرمة أراضيه الى ان
تكون سيادته مضمونة. وكذلك فانه من الواضح أن الاحتلال الأمريكي لا يستطيع التهرب
من الحساب عن طريق وضع المسؤولية على عاتق الدول المجاورة للعراق. ان اتفاقية عدم
اعتداء و دعم التنمية و التعاون بين عراق محرر و الدول المجاورة له مباشرة هي
الوسيلة الواضحة لتحقيق الاستقرار المنشود.
فبحكم موقع العراق الجغرافي المركزي و بحكم موارده الطبيعية ، فإن عراقا محررا و
مسالما و ديمقراطيا هو أمر جوهري لرخاء و تطور الدول المجاورة. ينبغي على الدول
المجاورة للعراق أن تعترف أن الاستقرار في العراق يخدم مصالحها هي ايضا وعليها أن
لا تتدخل في شؤونه الداخلية.
إذا كان المجتمع الدولي و الولايات المتحدة مهتمين بالسلام و الاستقرار و
الديمقراطية في العراق حقا فيتعين عليهم الاعتراف بأن المقاومة العراقية ، المسلحة
و الشعبية و السياسية، هي التي يمكنها تحقيق هذه الأهداف بحماية مصالح الشعب
العراقي. ان المطلب الأول للمقاومة العراقية هو الانسحاب غير المشروط من قبل جميع
القوات الاجنبية التي تحتل العراق بشكل غير شرعي، بما في ذلك المتعاقدون الخصوصيون،
و حل جميع القوات المسلحة التي أسسها الاحتلال.
الحركة العراقية المناهضة للاحتلال بكل تعبيراتها اذ تدافع عن الشعب العراقي هي
الجهة الوحيدة التي تملك القدرة على ضمان تحقيق الديمقراطية في العراق. وعبر طيف
هذه الحركة انه لامر متفق عليه انه عند انسحاب الولايات المتحدة فان حكومة ادارة
اعمال مؤقتة ستكلف بمهمتين :التحضير لانتخابات ديمقراطية واعادة الجيش الوطني. وبعد
انجاز هاتين المهمتين سيتم حل هذه الحكومة تاركة القرارات المتعلقة بالمطالبة
بالتعويضات و التنمية و إعادة البناء في أيدي حكومة عراقية ذات سيادة منتخبة بحرية
في دولة لكل مواطنيها بدون تمييز على أساس الديانة أو العرق أو المذهب أو الجنس.
ان جميع القوانين و العقود و الاتفاقيات التي وقعت في ظل الاحتلال باطلة ولاغية
قطعيا .واستنادا الى القانون الدولي وارادة الشعب العراقي ان السيادة التامة على
النفط العراقي و جميع الموارد الطبيعية و الثقافية و المادية تظل في يد الشعب
العراقي باجياله الماضية و الحاضرة و القادمة.وعبر طيف الحركة المناهضة للاحتلال
الكل متفق على ان العراق سيبيع نفطه في السوق الدولية للدول التي ليست في حالة حرب
مع العراق، وبما ينسجم مع واجبات العراق كعضو في
OPEC.
كان وسيظل الغزو الأمريكي في 2005 امرا غير شرعي، و قانون المسؤولية الدولية يطلب
من الدول أن ترفض الاعتراف بالنتائج المترتبة على الأفعال غير الشرعية التي تقوم
بها الدول.
وتتضمن مسؤولية الدول كذلك واجب ارجاع الحق الى نصابه. ولذلك فان جميع الجهات
الحكومية و غير الحكومية التي استفادت من تدمير و نهب العراق ينبغي ان تدفع
التعويضات للعراق.
يتوق الشعب العراقي لسلام طويل المدى. واستنادا الى استنتاجات المحكمة الدولية حول
العراق في اسطنبول 2005
واعترافا بالمعاناة الجسيمة التي مر بها الشعب العراقي المعتدى عليه فان الموقعون
على هذا التصريح يقرون المبادئ المذكورة اعلاه وذلك من اجل تحقيق السلام والاستقرار
والديموقراطية في العراق
ان سيادة العراق هي في أيدي شعبه المقاوم.
وتحقيق
السلام في العراق أمر سهل التوصل اليه: انسحاب امريكي غير مشروط واعتراف بالمقاومة
العراقية التي هي، بحكم كونها مقاومة، تمثل إرادة الشعب العراقي .
نناشد جميع محبي السلام في العالم أن يقوموا بدعم الشعب العراقي و المقاومة
العراقية. ان مستقبل السلام و الديمقراطية و التقدم في العراق و المنطقة و العالم
يعتمد على ذلك.
أعضاء الشبكة الدولة ضد الاحتلال
:
عبد
الإله البياتي، عضو في
Brussels Tribunal Executive Committee,
www.brusselstribunal.org,
،
فرنسا، العراق
هناء
البياتي، منسقة في
Iraqi International Initiative on Refugees,
www.3iii.org,
،
فرنسا، مصر
ديرك
ادرياسنس، عضو في
www.BRussellstribunal.org
،
بلجيكا
جون
كاتالينوتو،
International Action Center,
http://www.iacenter.org/,
،
الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية
ايان
دوغلاس، منسق في
International Initiative to Prosecute US Genocide in Iraq,
www.USgenocide.org,
،
بريطانيا، مصر
ماكس
فولر، مؤلف
For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality,
و
Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq
–
www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk,
،
بريطانيا
پاولا
ماندوكا، عالمة،
New Weapons Committee,
www.newweapons.org,،
إيطاليا
سايغن
مدر، عضوة
Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm,
www.iraksolidaritet.se،
السويد
كريستيان منسس، عضوة في
Portugese Session of the World Tribunal on Iraq,،
www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html,
،
البرتغال
مايك
باورس، عضو
Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm,
www.iraksolidaritet.se،
السويد
مانويل رابوسو، عضو
Portugese Session of the World Tribunal on Iraq,،
www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html,
،
البرتغال
مانويل تالنس، كاتب، عضو في
Cubadebate, Rebelion, Tlaxcala,
www.tlaxcala.es,
www.rebelion.org,
www.cubadebate.cu,
،
اسبانيا
پالوما فالفردي، عضوة
Spanish Campaign Against the Occupation and for the Sovereignty of Iraq (CEOSI),
www.nodo50.org/iraq,
www.iraqsolidaridad.org,
،
اسبانيا
27
أغسطس/آب 2008
لو
فيي، فرنسا
الشخصيات التي دعمت هذا الاعلان
|
International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the
occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq |
|
Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General,
international human rights activist, founder of the International Action
Center - USA |
|
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff
- India |
|
Cynthia McKinney,
Green Party US Presidential Candidate, www.runcynthiarun.org - USA |
|
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary
General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 -
Ireland |
|
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary
General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 -
Germany |
|
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental
Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International
Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary
of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League
for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells
Tribunal - Belgium |
|
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC - World Peace
Council and of Cebrapaz - Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples
and Struggle for Peace |
|
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and
PhD. in Public Administration - Mexico |
|
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs,
Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International
Anti-imperialist and People's Solidarity Coordinating Committee - India |
|
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian,
and activist - Uruguay |
|
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature
2005 - UK |
|
James Petras, Author - USA |
|
Jan Myrdal, Author - Sweden |
|
Michael Parenti, Author - USA |
|
Peter Curman,
Author - Sweden |
|
Rosa Regàs, Author - Spain |
|
Santiago Alba Rico, Authorr, philosopher, member of
www.rebelion.org, Spain – Tunisia |
|
William Blum, Author, USA |
|
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister,
Iraq/Jordan |
|
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti
occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation |
|
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent
Representative to the United Nations - Iraq |
|
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy
Studies Department at OPEC - Iraq |
|
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq's
ambassador to UN |
|
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador |
|
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador |
|
Wajdi A. Mardan. writer and Iraqi Diplomat |
|
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights
activist |
|
Ridha Al Ridha, president of Iraqi Ja'fari Shia
association (Al Ja'faria) - Iraq |
|
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee
for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq |
|
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher |
|
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers
Association - Iraq / UK |
|
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum
Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member |
|
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of
Mosul University, Iraq |
|
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of
communication in Baghdad before the invasion |
|
Hana Ibrahim, Writer and Journalist, Chair of
Women's Will Association - Iraq |
|
Mohammed Aref, Science writer - Iraq / UK |
|
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net
of human rights in Iraq - President of CCERF - Fallujah |
|
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer |
|
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt |
|
Dr. Fadhil .M. Albadrani, Professor in media,
journalist. baghdad – Iraq |
|
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. -
University of Baghdad - Iraq |
|
Mundher Al-Adhami,
Research Fellow at Kings College London - Iraq / UK |
|
Nermeen Al-Mufti,
Former co-director of Occupation Watch - Journalist - Iraq |
|
Salam Musafir,
Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia |
|
Wafaa' Al-Natheema,
independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near
Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of "Untamed
Nostalgia - Wild Poems," http://zennobia.blogspot.com |
|
Hisham Bustani,
Writer and Activist, Secretary - Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan |
|
Yihia Abu Safi,
searcher and activist, Palestinian, Committee RIGHT TO RETURN, member of
Resistance Alliance-Cairo |
|
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt |
|
Dr Sahera Al Abta,
Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman |
|
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician |
|
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof.
International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia |
|
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey,
Australia |
|
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and
business management - UK |
|
Arab Lotfy, Resistance alliance, artist and activist
for arab progressist causes |
|
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden |
|
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist –
Amman |
|
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights
Lawyer - USA |
|
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian
Lawyers, partners of the BRussells
Tribunal - USA |
|
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers
Association - Mumbai / India |
|
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor - Canada |
|
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing
about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer
at the Anglo-American University in Prague |
|
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in
geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the
Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico |
|
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor -
Cuba |
|
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 –
California, USA |
|
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant
Guard-blog - Tunis |
|
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid
For The Third World - Belgium |
|
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic - Mexico |
|
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences,
Madrid Autonomous University - Spain |
|
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the
network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela |
|
Chaman Lal, Professor, Chairperson Centre
of Indian Languages Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi, Former
President,JNUTA(2006-07) - India |
|
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar,
President of JUST International - Malaysia |
|
Claudio Moffa,
Professor of History - Italy |
|
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller
International - Tunesia / India |
|
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond
the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied
Iraq - USA |
|
David Hungerford, antiwar activist - USA |
|
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde
University, co-founder of Spinwatch - UK |
|
Dirk Tuypens, Actor - Belgium |
|
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar
and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany |
|
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC - Belgium |
|
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member
of Tlaxcala – Italy/France |
|
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist - UK |
|
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan - Belgium |
|
Frantz Mendes, President United Steel Workers Local
8751 - USA |
|
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of “Body Count.
Global avoidable mortality since 1950” - http://mwcnews.net/Gideon-Polya
, Australia |
|
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent -
Belgium |
|
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian
activist – UK |
|
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist - Mexico |
|
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala
University - Sweden |
|
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University,
Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe - Belgium |
|
Isaac Rosa, Writer - Spain |
|
Jacques Pauwels, historian - Canada |
|
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience
International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization
working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US
Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to
dialogue among civilizations - USA |
|
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic
Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium |
|
Dr. Jim Harding, Past Director and retired
Professor, School of Human Justice, University of Regina, Canada |
|
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement -
Germany |
|
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science,
National Autonomous University - México |
|
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO - Edition House - Belgium |
|
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue,
Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz - Centre Brésilien Pour la
Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix - Brazil |
|
Kris Smet, Former Journalist - Belgium |
|
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition - USA |
|
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together -
USA |
|
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven
/ Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal - Belgium |
|
Lolo Rico, screenwriter - Spain |
|
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation -
Belgium |
|
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de
Madrid - Spain |
|
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto - Italy |
|
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher - Belgium |
|
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies,
Brussels |
|
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International
Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands |
|
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist - Spain |
|
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian
activist, member of Tlaxcala - USA/Italy |
|
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund,
member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden |
|
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq
Friendships – Belgium http://www.turkmenfriendship.blogspot.com/ |
|
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and
director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) - Canada |
|
Michel Collon, author, journalist - Belgium |
|
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ, http://www.serapaz.org.mx/
- Mexico |
|
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous
University of México – Mexico |
|
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of
www.rebelion.org - Spain |
|
Paul Vanden Bavière,
Former journalist De Standaard,
publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers - Belgium |
|
Pedro Monzón,
Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity -
Cuba |
|
Dr. Pol De Vos,
Public Health Researcher - Peace movement, Belgium |
|
René Naba,
journalist, writer - France |
|
Robin Eastman-Abaya,
physician and human rights activist - USA |
|
Prof. Rudi Laermans,
sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven - Belgium |
|
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International
Action Center |
|
Sarah Meyer , Independent researcher living in
Sussex - UK |
|
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and
filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute
for Policy Studies – USA. |
|
Sköld Peter Matthis,ophthalmologist - Sweden |
|
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary /
Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB - Belgium |
|
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University)
- President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland). |
|
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science,
Rutgers University - USA |
|
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United
Steel Workers 8751 - USA |
|
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers
Local 8751 - USA |
|
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant
and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General
International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) - USA |
|
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate
Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA |
|
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist -
Mexico |
|
|
|
Endorsing Organisations |
|
|
|
All India Anti-imperialist Forum - India |
|
BRussells Tribunal - Belgium |
|
CEOSI – Spain |
|
Collateral Repair Project (
www.collateralrepairproject.org) |
|
Conscience International - USA |
|
El Taller International - Tunesia |
|
INTAL - Belgium |
|
International Action Center - USA |
|
International Anti-imperialist and People's Solidarity Coordinating
Committee |
|
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet)
- Sweden |
|
Medical Aid For The Third World - Belgium |
|
Muslim Peacemaker Teams - Iraq |
|
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine) |
|
Tlaxcala, The Translators' (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity |
|
US Academics for Peace - USA |
|
World Courts of Women |
|
|
|
We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and
politicians to follow their example |
