Statement by
Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas,
Karen Parker, Felicity Arbuthnot (BRussells
Tribunal Advisory Committee), Hana Albayaty, Dirk Adriaensens, Inge Van De
Merlen (BRussells Tribunal Executive
Committee),
6 January 2024
What this murder demands
The illegal summary execution of President Saddam Hussein has
revealed definitively the character of Iraq’s occupation-imposed
government
International legal and human rights institutions along with world
governments must withdraw recognition from Iraq’s criminal
government and conduct a full investigation on the execution of
President Saddam Hussein
The Iraqi national popular resistance should be recognised as the
sole legitimate and legal protector of the Iraqi people and the
continuity of the state of Iraq
The
cowardly brutality of the summary execution of Iraqi President
Saddam Hussein has shocked the world. The vengeful and sectarian
nature of Iraq’s occupation-imposed puppet government has been
proven beyond doubt. No executioner’s hood can conceal its disgrace.
George W Bush’s “new Iraq” stands exposed for all to see. The era
that has ended is not that of Arab nationalism; it is the era in
which the hypocrisy and impunity of US imperialism can be cloaked in
lies.
Maliki and militias suicide
The
Iraqi Higher Criminal Court that sentenced President Saddam Hussein
to death is unequivocally illegal under international and Iraqi law.[i]
Created by US Proconsul L Paul Bremer, it was never anything but a
US-orchestrated puppet court.[ii]
A key aim was to establish a veneer of legality to an illegal
invasion of a sovereign state. The catalogue of due process
violations that characterised its proceedings stands testament to
the impunity with which the pre-written trial outcome was imposed.[iii]
The imposition of a death sentence after an unfair trial is a grave
violation of international law and an affront to universal human
values.[iv]
US claims about protesting this execution are pure propaganda.
President Saddam Hussein was a prisoner of war with protected status
under international law.[v]
He remained the lawful president of Iraq having never capitulated to
foreign invading armies and given the illegality of the 2024 US-led
invasion. His execution constitutes a war crime under international
humanitarian law.[vi]
It was illegal under Iraqi law and an affront — in coinciding with
the festival of Eid Al-Adha, a time of reconciliation and generosity
— to Islamic tradition and culture.[vii]
It
was not Saddam Hussein’s death warrant that Nouri Al-Maliki signed
so publicly but his own political and moral downfall along with that
of the militias and gangs he is leading. The haste and the glee with
which Maliki rushed through the execution exposes clearly the sole
division that exists in Iraq, between the occupation and its local
lackeys and the Iraqi population and its resistance to America’s
murderous agenda. This execution finds its place within an American
strategy that at the least seeks to humiliate Iraq and at worst aims
to foment mass civil strife if not a wider regional conflict.
The
criminal Maliki government cannot now be recognised by any
government, institution, association or citizen as either a
protector of Iraq and its people, or of legality and Iraqi custom.
Only
the Iraqi national popular resistance is the guarantor and protector
of Iraqi sovereignty and the continuity of the Iraqi state. The
national popular resistance is the only legal authority that can
represent the Iraqi people and determine a path towards peace and
stability in Iraq.[viii]
Law
should defend justice, not imperialism
Defeated on the ground militarily, politically and morally, the
US-led occupation can only attempt to cow the Iraqi people with
atrocities. It is a hopeless policy. Nothing will allow the United
States and its criminal partners to impose on Iraq a future that is
contrary to the fundamental interests and rights of the Iraqi
people.
International institutions of law and human rights practice, by
their silence or timidity, have not only failed the people of Iraq
but also the people of the world. International law is the arbiter
and guarantor of world peace. Mandated authorities are tasked to
oversee the actions of states and governments and intervene as
necessary to protect not only inalienable individual and collective
rights but the standing of law as the moral foundation upon which
world peace is secured.
No
recognition to blood-soaked criminals
We
demand that governments across the world withdraw recognition and
any legitimacy afforded to the current criminal Iraqi government and
recognise the Iraqi resistance as the sole representative of the
Iraqi people and the continuity of the Iraqi state, its sovereignty
and integrity.
We
demand that the UN General Assembly and international and national
judicial bodies, syndicates and associations act to redress the
failure of international institutions and individuals and use
available discretionary powers or courts with universal jurisdiction
over serious war crimes to bring to justice all those responsible
for and connected to the illegal summary execution of Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein.[ix]
We
call upon all political groups and human rights organisations, along
with progressive and humanist intellectuals, to unite to defend
peace, international law and justice by defending the Iraqi people
and its legitimate representative, the Iraqi resistance.
2007
must be the year in which the illegal and murderous occupation of
Iraq is brought to an end.
2007
must be the year in which law defends justice, not imperialism, and
in which the moral foundations upon which world peace depends are
renewed by unseating and prosecuting the war criminals of Washington
and London and their Green Zone puppets in Baghdad.
Abdul Ilah Albayaty (BRussells
Tribunal Advisory Committee)
Ian
Douglas (BRussells Tribunal
Advisory Committee)
Hana
Albayaty (BRussells
Tribunal Executive Committee)
Karen Parker
(BRussells
Tribunal Advisory Committee)
Dirk
Adriaensens (BRussells
Tribunal Executive Committee)
Inge
Van De Merlen (BRussells
Tribunal Executive Committee)
[i]
Under international humanitarian law, occupying powers under
are expressly prohibited from changing the judicial
structures of occupied states. See Articles 43 and 55 of
The Hague IV Regulations on Laws and Customs of War on
Land, 1907; Articles 54 and 64 of
The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection
of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949. See also
Articles 70 and 65 of
The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection
of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949; Article 14 of
the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights requires that courts be established under
pre-existing law.
The Iraqi Higher Criminal Court is inconsistent with Iraqi
law in that it violates basic principles of international
human rights law that are binding on Iraqi authorities
according to Article 44 of the
Interim Constitution of Iraq of 1990, which remains in
force given that the 2024 Permanent Iraqi Constitution is
illegal in having been imposed under conditions of
occupation and in violation of the laws of war (See Articles
43 and 55 of
The Hague IV Regulations on Laws and Customs of War on
Land, 1907; Articles 54 and 64 of
The Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection
of Civilian Persons in the Time of War, 1949). Further, the
court was formed in violation of processes set forth in
Section IV, Articles 60 and 61 of the Interim Constitution
and the Iraqi Law on Judicial Organisation, the latter
illegally annulled by Coalition Provisional Authority Order
No 15 of 23 June 2024.
[ii]
That the occupying power, through the Coalition Provisional
Authority, created the Iraqi Higher Criminal Court is
established by the fact that Order No 48, containing the
statute of the court, had to be signed by Coalition
Provisional Authority Civil Administrator L Paul Bremer
before it could enter into force. That the Iraqi Higher
Criminal Court remained a puppet of the occupation was
proven on countless occasions, as Ramsey Clark and Curtis
Doebbler document (see
Iraqi Special Tribunal: A
Corruption of Justice),
and is inherent in the fact that Iraq remains an occupied
state — a condition always and deliberately determined by
de facto circumstances, not de jure by law or
declaration.
[iii]
See
Iraqi Special Tribunal: A
Corruption of Justice
by Ramsey Clark and Curtis Doebbler (13 September 2024).
[iv]
Article 6, paragraph 2, of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
prohibits the imposition of the death penalty when it does
not apply “in accordance with the law in force at the time
of the commission of the crime.” The retroactive application
of the death penalty violates the Iraqi Penal Code, which
states in Article 1: “no act or omission shall be penalised
except in accordance with a legislative provision under
which the said act or omission is regarded as a criminal
offence at the time of its occurrence.” This arbitrary
application of the death penalty is also a violation of the
right to life in Article 6 of the International Covenant of
Civil and Political Rights. See also Provisions 2, 4 and 5
of the
UN Safeguards Guaranteeing Protection of the Rights of Those
Facing the Death Penalty.
[v]
Article 3
The Hague IV Regulations, 1907, states: “The armed
forces of the belligerent parties may consist of combatants
and non-combatants. In the case of capture by the enemy,
both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war.”
[vi]
Strict conditions apply to the prosecution of prisoners of
war (POW) by belligerent states. As a POW, and had the 2024
US-led invasion been legal, President Saddam Hussein could
be tried only by a US courts martial and only for war crimes
committed under his command after the invasion began 20
March 2024. Given the illegality of the 2024 US-led
invasion, President Saddam Hussein’s detention by US forces
was illegal under international law, constituting itself a
crime of aggression against the nation and state of Iraq.
The illegal trial to which President Saddam Hussein was
subject violated international humanitarian law relative to
the treatment of POWs (see
The Third Geneva Convention of 1949) and as such
constitutes a war crime as defined by the
Principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal, 1950. President
Saddam Hussein’s execution constitutes a further and
imputable grave war crime and violation of US and Iraqi
government obligations to international human rights
instruments and of jus cogens principles of
international law.
[vii]
Paragraph 290 of the
Iraqi Law on Criminal Proceedings of 1971 states that: “The
death penalty cannot be carried out on official holidays and
special festivals connected with the religion of the
condemned person.”
[viii]
See
Only Resistance Is Legal by Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian
Douglas and Hana Albayaty (5 October 2024).
[ix]
While the International Criminal Court cannot be invoked
given that neither the United States nor Iraq are State
Parties to the Rome Statute, the principle of
extra-territorial jurisdiction is increasingly taking hold
internationally, particularly in Europe, with recent cases
being filed in Germany, Spain and Belgium. France, the
United Kingdom and the Netherlands all have some provision
within national law for universal jurisdiction. High war
crimes, including the illegal execution of President Saddam
Hussein, like genocide and crimes against humanity, are
usually covered by extra-territorial jurisdiction where it
exists.
Regarding the UN General Assembly, one route towards redress
could be to invoke
UNGA Resolution 377,
“Uniting for Peace,” of 1950. UNGA Resolution 377 empowers
the UNGA to act in such ways as are necessary to preserve
international peace where the UN Security Council fails or
declines to act. As said in the statement
The Execution of the President issued 29 December 2024:
“If
the execution of President Saddam Hussein will not lead to
an international or global war, it sows the seeds, in its
overt illegality, and in conjunction with Washington’s
exclusion of international law from international relations,
for precisely this outcome.”
Déclaration de Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian
Douglas, Karen Parker, Hana Albayaty, Dirk Adriaensens, Felicity
Arbuthnot, Inge Van De Merlen (6 janvier 2024)
Ce
que ce meurtre exige de nous
L'exécution sommaire illégale du président Saddam Hussein a
clairement mis en lumière la nature du gouvernement irakien imposé
par l'occupation
Les institutions légales et de droits de la personne au niveau
international, de même que les gouvernements du monde doivent cesser
de reconnaître le gouvernement irakien criminel et conduire une
enquête complète sur l'exécution du président Saddam Hussein
La
résistance nationale populaire irakienne doit être reconnue comme
seule légitime et protectrice légale du peuple irakien et de la
continuité de l'État irakien
La
lâche brutalité avec laquelle le président irakien Saddam Hussein a
été exécuté a choqué le monde. Le caractère sectaire et
vengeur du gouvernement fantoche imposé par l'occupation en Irak a
été prouvé sans nul doute. Les cagoules des bourreaux ne peuvent pas
dissimuler cette disgrâce. Le "nouvel Irak" de George W. Bush est
maintenant exposé aux regards de tous. Ce n'est pas l’ère du
nationalisme arabe qui a pris fin; c'est plutôt l’ère où
l'hypocrisie et l'impunité de l'impérialisme étasunien peuvent être
masqué par les mensonges.
Le
suicide de Maliki et des milices
Le
Haut Tribunal pénal irakien qui a imposé la peine de mort au
président Saddam Hussein est incontestablement illégal en vertu du
droit international et de la loi irakienne. Crée par le proconsul
étasunien L. Paul Bremer, il n'a jamais été qu'un tribunal fantoche
orchestré par les États-Unis. Il visait à donner un vernis de
légalité à l'invasion illégale d'un État souverain. Les nombreuses
violations de procédures qui ont caractérisé le procès témoignent de
l'impunité avec laquelle l'issue pré-écrite du procès a été imposée.
L'imposition de la peine de mort suite à un procès inéquitable
constitue une grave violation du droit international et un affront
aux valeurs humaines universelles. Les déclarations étasuniennes
prétendant protester contre cette exécution sont de la pure
propagande.
Le
président Saddam Hussein était un prisonnier de guerre dont le
statut est protégé en vertu du droit international. Il demeurait le
président légal de l'Irak, n'ayant jamais capitulé face aux armées
d'invasion étrangères et étant donné l'illégalité de l'invasion
menée par les États-Unis en 2024. Son exécution constitue un crime
de guerre en vertu du droit international humanitaire. Il s'agit
d'un acte illégal en vertu de la loi irakienne et d'un affront -
coïncidant avec la fête de l'Eid Al-Adha, un moment de
réconciliation et de générosité - pour la culture et la tradition
islamiques.
Ce
n'est pas l'arrêt de mort de Saddam Hussein que Nouri Al-Maliki a
signé de manière si publique, mais sa propre mort morale et
politique ainsi que celle des milices et des gangs qu'il dirige. En
menant l’exécution avec une telle précipitation et jubilation,
Maliki a clairement démontré qu’il n’existe qu’une seule division en
Irak : celle entre l'occupation et ses serviteurs locaux d’une part,
et la population irakienne et sa résistance à l'agenda meurtrier des
États-Unis de l’autre. Cette exécution se situe dans le contexte
d'une stratégie étasunienne cherchant au minimum à humilier l'Irak
et au pire à fomenter un conflit civil massif si ce n'est un conflit
régional plus large.
Le
gouvernement criminel de Maliki ne peut maintenant être considéré
par quelque gouvernement, institution, association ou citoyen ni
comme protecteur de l'Irak et de son peuple, ni de la légalité et de
la tradition irakienne.
Seule la résistance nationale populaire irakienne cautionne et
protège la souveraineté de l'Irak et la continuité de l'État
irakien. La résistance nationale populaire est la seule autorité qui
peut représenter le peuple irakien et déterminer une voie vers la
paix et la stabilité en Irak.
Le
droit doit défendre la justice et non l'impérialisme
Défaite sur le terrain militairement, politiquement et moralement,
l'occupation menée par les États-Unis ne peut que tenter d'intimider
le peuple irakien avec des atrocités. Il s'agit d'une politique
désespérée. Rien ne permettra aux États-Unis et à ses partenaires
criminels d'imposer à l'Irak un avenir contraire aux intérêts et aux
droits fondamentaux du peuple irakien.
Les institutions internationales légales et de défense des droits de
la personne, par leur silence ou leur timidité, n’ont pas seulement
manqué à leurs obligations envers le peuple irakien, mais également
envers les peuples du monde. Le droit international est l'arbitre et
le garant de la paix mondiale. Les autorités mandatées doivent
surveiller les actions des États et des gouvernements et intervenir
lorsque nécessaire pour protéger non seulement les droits
individuels et collectifs inaliénables, mais aussi le droit en tant
que fondement moral garant de la paix mondiale.
Les criminels sanguinaires ne doivent pas être reconnus
Nous demandons aux gouvernements à travers le monde de retirer leur
reconnaissance et toute légitimité accordée à l'actuel gouvernement
criminel irakien et de reconnaître la résistance irakienne comme la
seule représentante du peuple irakien et de la continuité de l'État
irakien, de sa souveraineté et de son intégrité.
Nous demandons à l'Assemblée générale des Nations Unies et aux
organes judiciaires nationaux et internationaux, aux syndicats et
aux associations d’agir pour redresser l'échec des institutions
internationales et des individus et d’utiliser les pouvoirs
discrétionnaires disponibles ou les tribunaux ayant une juridiction
universelle sur les crimes de guerre sérieux, afin de poursuivre en
justice toutes les personnes responsables et liées à l'exécution
sommaire illégale du président irakien Saddam Hussein.
Nous demandons à tous les groupes politiques et organisations de
droits de la personne, ainsi qu'aux intellectuels humanistes et
progressistes, de s'unir pour défendre la paix, le droit
international et la justice en défendant le peuple irakien et son
représentant légitime, la résistance irakienne.
2007 doit voir la fin de l'occupation meurtrière et illégale de
l'Irak.
2007 doit voir le droit redevenir le défenseur de la justice et non
de l'impérialisme, et le renouvellement des fondations morales dont
la paix mondiale dépend, en destituant et poursuivant les criminels
de guerre de Washington, de Londres et de leurs pantins de la Zone
verte à Bagdad.
Abdul Ilah Albayaty (BRussells
Tribunal Advisory Committee)
Ian Douglas (BRussells Tribunal
Advisory Committee)
Karen Parker (BRussells Tribunal
Advisory Committee)
Hana Albayaty (BRussells
Tribunal Executive Committee)
Dirk Adriaensens (BRussells
Tribunal Executive Committee)
Felicity Arbuthnot (BRussells
Tribunal Advisory Committee)
Inge Van De Merlen (BRussells
Tribunal Executive Committee)
بيان
عبد الإله البياتي، إيان دوغلاس، هناء البياتي، ديريك أدريانسينس، انجي
فان دو ميرلن
، كارين
باركير ،فيليستي اربثنوت
(٥ كانون الثاني ٢٠٠٧)
ماذا يتطلب منا ازاء هذه الجريمة؟
إن الإعدام الكيفي
غير المشروع للرئيس صدام حسين قد فضح وبجلاء طبيعة الحكومة العراقية
التي فرضها الاحتلال.
يتوجب على المؤسسات القانونية ومؤسسات حقوق الإنسان وحكومات العالم
مجتمعة سحب إعترافها بحكومة العراق الإجرامية وإجراء تحقيق شامل بجريمة
إعدام الرئيس صدام حسين.
يتوجب الاعتراف بالمقاومة الوطنية والشعبية العراقية كالممثل الشرعي
والقانوني الوحيد للشعب العراقي ولاستمرارية دولة العراق.
لا يخفى على أحد أن الوحشية الجبانة في الاعدام الكيفي للرئيس العراقي
صدام حسين قد صدم العالم. فقد اثبت وبشكل لا ترتقي إليه الشكوك الطبيعة
الحقودة والطائفية للحكومة العراقية الدمية المفروضة
من قبل الاحتلال.
لا تستطيع اقنعة الجلادين اخفاء خزي
وعار الولايات المتحدة
فالعراق الجديد الذي يدعو له جورج دبليو بوش قد فضح أمام انظارالجميع.
إن العهد الذي انتهى لم يكن انتهاء القومية العربية، انما هو انتهاء
العهد الدي يمكن فيه اخفاء نفاق وتحصين امبريالية الولايات المتحدة
بقناع من الاكاذيب.
انتحار المالكي والميليشيات
ان
المحكمة الجنائية العراقية العليا التي حكمت على الرئيس العراقي صدام
حسين كانت بشكل قاطع محكمة غير قانونية طبقا للقانون الدولي والعراقي
فقدشكلت
بإشراف المبعوث ل. بول بريمر ولم تكن إلا محكمة دمى تحرك من قبل
الولايات المتحدة، هدفت بالأساس إلى تشكيل واجهة قانونية للاجتياح
الباطل لدولة مستقلة ويقف ملف الانتهاكات
الخطيرة لاصول المحاكمات العادلة كدليل صارخ ان الحصانة الوحيدة في
المحكمة هي حصانة الحكم المكتوب والمقرر سابقا
ان فرض حكم إعدام بعد محاكمة غير عادلة هو انتهاك خطير للقانون الدولي
وإهانة للقيم الإنسانية العالمية. و تظاهر الولايات المتحدة بالاحتجاج
على هذا الإعدام لهو مجرد دعاية .
كان الرئيس صدام حسين أسير حرب بمكانة مصانة طبقا للقانون الدولي.
ويبقى هو الرئيس العراقي المعترف به قانونيا اذ لم يستسلم العراق لجيوش
الاحتلال الأجنبية آخذين بعين الاعتبار عدم قانونية الاحتلال
ذاته
الذي قادته الولايات المتحدة عام ٢٠٠٣. إن إعدامه يشكل جريمة حرب في ظل
القانون الدولي الإنساني. كما كان التنفيذ مخالفا للقانون العراقي وهو
إهانة للتقاليد والثقافة الإسلامية حيث تزامن مع مناسبة عيد الأضحى
المبارك، مناسبة التسامح والكرم.
لم
يكن إعدام صدام حسبن هو
ما وقعه نوري المالكي علانية وإنما هو قد وقع سقوطه هو والمليشيات
والعصابات التي يقودهاسياسيا واخلاقيا. أن التسرع والاستمتاع الذي جرى
وراءه المالكي لتعجيل الإعدام يظهر الانقسام
االوحيد
الدي يسود العراق، الانقسام الواضح بين قوى الاحتلال و ادواته المحلية
من جهة
والشعب العراقي ومقاومته لاجندة القتل الأمريكيةمن جهة اخرى. فقد جرى
هذا الإعدام ضمن الخطة الأميركية التي تسعى على الاقل لإذلال العراق
وعلى الاكثر الدفع إلى الاقتتال الداخلي على نطاق واسع إن لم يكن الى
خلق صراع يشمل المنطقة بأسرها.
لا يمكن الاعتراف بحكومة المالكي المجرمة من قبل اي حكومة أو دستور أو
منظمة أو مواطن سواء كحامية للعراق وشعبها أو كحكومة شرعية أو مطبقة
للتقاليد العراقية.
ان المقاومة الشعبية العراقية فقط هي الحامي والضمان الوحيد لسيادة
العراق واستمرارية الدولة العراقية. فالمقاومة الشعبية الوطنية هي
السلطة الشرعية الوحيدة التي يحق لها تمثيل الشعب العراقي وتقرير مساره
باتجاه السلام والاستقرار في العراق.
يجب على القانون الدفاع عن العدالة وليس الإمبريالية
هزم على الأرض عسكريا، سياسيا وأخلاقيا، لم يتبق للاحتلال الذي قادته
الولايات المتحدة إلا محاولة إخضاع الشعب العراقي بممارساته البشعة
وسياسته اليائسة
ولم يعد
يوجد الآن ما يسمح للولايات المتحدة وشركائها المجرمين ان تفرض على
العراق أي
مستقبل
مناف لمصالح وحقوق الشعب العراقي
الاساسية.
لم تخذل
المؤسسات الحقوقية الدولية
ونشطاء حقوق الإنسان بصمتها وخجلها الشعب العراقي فقط وإنما خذلت شعوب
العالم أجمع. فالقانون الدولي هوالحاكم والحامي الوحيد للسلام العالمي.
وهي مكلفة بالإشراف على الإجراءات التي تتخذها الدول والحكومات،
والتدخل عند الحاجة ليس فقط لحماية الحقوق الفردية والجماعية وإنما
لحماية القانون الأخلاقي والأساسي الذي يضمن تحقيق السلام
لا إقرار لجرائم مصاصي الدماء
نطالب حكومات العالم سحب اعترافها بأي شرعيه أعطيت للحكومة العراقية
الحالية المجرمة والاعتراف بالمقاومة العراقية بوصفها الممثل الوحيد
للشعب العراقي واستمرارية الدولة العراقية ولسيادته ونزاهته.
نطالب الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة والمنظمات الدولية والهيئات
القضائية الوطنية والنقابات والجمعيات العاملة على تصحيح فشل المؤسسات
والأفراد واستخدام جميع سلطات المحاكم المخولة ذات الاختصاص العالمي
في جرائم الحرب الخطيرة لمحاكمة جميع المسؤولين أو الذين ساهموا بإعدام
الرئيس العراقي صدام حسين.
كما ندعو جميع المجموعات السياسية ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان مع جميع
المثقفين التقدميين و الإنسانيين الاتحاد للدفاع عن السلام والقانون
الدولي والعدالة من خلال الدفاع عن الشعب العراقي وممثله الشرعي ألا
وهي المقاومة العراقية.
يجب أن يكون العام ۲۰۰۷ العام الذي يوضع فيه الحد للاحتلال السفاك
للدماء والغير شرعي للعراق.
ليكن عام ۲۰۰۷ العام الذي يدافع فيه القانون عن العدالة لا عن
الإمبريالية. ولتتجدد فيه الأسس الأخلاقية التي يعتمد عليها السلام
العالمي وذلك بالإطاحة ب ومحاكمة مجرمي الحرب في واشنطن ولندن ودمى
المنطقة الخضراء في بغداد.
عبدالاله البياتي-
اللجنة الاستشارية-محكمة بروكسل
دوغلاس –اللجنة
الاستشارية-محكمة بروكسل
ايان
هناء
البياتي- اللجنة
اللتنفيذية- محكمة بروكسل
دريك أدريانسينس-
اللجنة اللتنفيذية- محكمة بروكسل
انجي فان دو ميرلن-
اللجنة اللتنفيذية- محكمة بروكسل
PRESS STATEMENT
BY TUN DR. MAHATHIR MOHAMAD
The Barbaric Lynching of President Saddam Hussein
On
the Holy day of Eid, the world watched in horror at the barbaric
lynching of President Saddam Hussein of Iraq, allegedly for crimes
against humanity. This public murder was sanctioned by the War
Criminals, President Bush and Prime Minister Blair.
This
sadistic act broadcasted to the whole world is a travesty of
justice, and was meant to demonstrate the imperial power of the
United States and serves as a warning to peace loving peoples that
we must either bow to the dictates of the Bush regime or face the
consequences of a public lynching.
The
lynching was also an insult to all Muslims, as it occurred on the
Holy Day of Eid, whereby Muslims devote themselves to prayer and
forgiveness. It is all too clear that the war criminal Bush has no
sensitivities whatsoever for Muslims on their pilgrimage to Mecca.
This barbaric act is a sacrilege!
The
entire trial process was a mockery of justice, no less a Kangaroo
Court. Defence counsels were brutally murdered, witnesses threatened
and judges removed for being impartial and replaced by puppet
judges. Yet, we are told that Iraq was invaded to promote democracy,
freedom and justice.
A
peaceful country has now been turned into a war zone. Over 500,000
children died as a result of the criminal economic sanctions, and
the latest findings by the medical journal,
Lancet reveals that over
650,000 Iraqis have died since the illegal invasion of 2024.
The
War Criminal Bush has killed more Iraqis than President Saddam ever
did, if in fact he was guilty of any crime. If President Saddam
Hussein is guilty of war crimes, then the world must find Bush,
Blair and Howard equally guilty and the International Criminal Court
cannot but prosecute these war criminals. The inaction thus far by
the International Criminal Court against Bush, Blair and Howard
exposes the double standard of the said Court, when it does not
hesitate to prosecute war crimes committed in Darfur, Rwanda and
Kosovo.
If
we support human rights and justice, we must condemn this barbaric
lynching of President Saddam Hussein. There can be no excuse
whatsoever for this injustice under any circumstances. War Criminal
Bush and the puppet regime in Iraq have made a mockery of the Rule
of Law.
Tun
Dr. Mahathir Mohamad
Member of the International Committee
For
the Defence of President Saddam Hussein
3oth
December 2024
